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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT   LOS  ANGELES 


AMERICAN  BIOGRAPHY: 

O  R, 

AN  HISTORICAL  ACCOUNT 
OF  THOSE  PERSONS 

WHO  HAVE  BEEN  DISTINGUISHED  IN 

AMERICA, 


A  S 


ADVENTURERS, 

STATESMEN, 

PHILOSOPHERS, 


DIVINES, 

WARRIORS, 

AUTHORS, 


AND  OTHER  REMARKABLE  CHARACTERS. 

Comprehending  a  Recital  of 

The  EVENTS  conneaed  with  their  LIVES  and 
ACTIONS. 

VOL.    I. 
BY  JEREMY    BELKNAP,    D.  D. 

"  Hie  manus  ob  patriam  pugnando  vulnera  pafli  : 
Quique  facerdotes  cafti,  cum  vita  manebat  : 
Quique  pii  vates,  et  Phcebo  digna  locuti  : 
Inventas  autqui  vitam  excoluere  per  artes : 
Quique  fui  memores  alios  fecere  merendo  :" 

VIRGIL,  JEn.  vi.  660. 

PuMijsfjttJ  accoraing  to  &rt  of  Congrefe, 

PRINTED  at  BOSTON, 
UY  ISAIAH  THOMAS  AND  EBENEZERT.  ANDREWS. 

FAUST'S  STATUE,  No  45,  NEWBUR.Y    ST.REST. 

MDCCXCIV, 


ADVERTISEMENT, 


NO   apology  is  neceflary  for  the  appearance  of  this  v/ork, 
if  its  utility  be  admitted. 

My  firft  intention  was  to  place  the  names  in  alphabetical  order  ; 
but,  on  farther  confideration,  it  was  found  to  be  impracticable, 
unlefs  the  whole  work  were  before  me  at  one  view.  A  chronoW- 

o 

ical  arrangement  appeared,  on  the  whole,  equally  proper,  and  more 
in  my  power.  Should  any  deviation  from  the  exaft  order  take 
place,  it  muft  be  afcribed  to  a  deficiency  of  materials  ;  which 
however,  it  is  hoped,  will  be  fupplied,  at  fpme  future  time, 

BOSTON,  JANUARY,   1794, 


•  *     jsfc 


PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

On  the  Circumnavigation  of  AFRICA  by  the  AN 
CIENTS;  and  its  probable  Confequence,  the  Popu 
lation  of  fome  Part  of  AMERICA. 

1  HE  firft  navigators,  of  whom  we  have  any 
account,  were  the  Phenicians,  who  were  fcattcrcd 
along  the  coafts  of  the  Mediterranean  and  of  the 
Red  Sea.  As  early  as  the  days  of  Mofes,  they  had 
extended  their  navigation  beyond  the  pillars  of 
Hercules,  on  the  weftern  coalt  of  Africa,  toward 
the  fouth ;  and  as  far  northward  as  the  ifland  of 
Britain,  whence  they  imported  tin  and  lead,*  which 
according  to  the  univcrlal  teftimony  of  the  ancients, 
were  not  then  found  in  any  other  country. 

From  the  accounts  given  in  ancient  hiftory  of  the 
expeditions  of  Sefoftris,  King  of  Egypt,  fome  have 
been  led  to  conclude,  that  he  made  a  difcovery  of 
a// the  coaits  of  Africa.t  However  this  might  be, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  he  opened,  or  revived  a  com 
mercial  intercourfe  with  India  and  Ethiopia,  by 
way  of  the  Red  Sea.  It  hath  alfo  been  thought, 
that  the  voyages  of  the  Phenicians  and  Hebrews  to 
Ophir,  in  the  time  of  Solomon,  were  nothing  more 
nor  lefs  than  circumnavigations  of  Africa.;* 

But 

*  See  Numbers,  chap,  xxxi,  ver.  22. 
t  Forfter's  Hiftory  of  Voyages  and  Difcoveries,  page  7. 
Ibid. 


6  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

But,  leaving  thefc,  for  the  prcfent,  in  the  region 
of  conjecture  ;  the  earlieft  regular  account  which 
we  have,  of  any  voyage  round  the  continent  of  Af 
rica,  is  that  performed  by  order  of  Necho,  King  of 
Egypt,  and  recorded  by  Herodotus ;  the  moft  an 
cient  hi'lorian,  except  the  facred  writers,  whofe 
•works  have  come  down  to  our  time.  His  character 
as  a  hiftorian  is,  "candid  in  his  acknowledgment 
of  what  is  uncertain,  and  abfolute  when  he  {peaks 
of  what  he  knows. '  The  date  of  Necho 's  reign  is 
fixed  by  Rollin  616  years  before  ChrHt.  The  date 
of  Herodotus'  hiftory  is  placed  by  Dufrefnoy  in  the 
third  year  of  the  83d  Olympiad,  anfwcring  to  446 
years  before  Chriit,  So  that  he  mull  have  penned 
his  narration  of  this  voyage,  in  lefs  than  two  centu 
ries  after  it  was  performed.  I  fhall  give  his  account 
at  large,  in  a  literal  tranfJation,  from  the  Geneva 
edition  of  his  work,  in  Greek  and  Latin,  by  Stepha- 
tmsi*  In  defcribing  the  icveral  great  divifions  of 
the  earth,  he  fpcaks  thus ; 

u  I  wonder  at  thofe  who  have  divided  and  diflin- 
guiihed  Lybia5t  Alia  and  Europe,  between  which 
there  is  not  a  little  difference.  If  indeed  Europe 
agrees  with  the  others  in  length,  yet  in  breadth  it 
does  not  feem,  to  me,  worthy  to  be  compared.  For, 
Lybia  fhcws  itfelf  to  be  jurrcunded  by  the  fea,  ex 
cept  where  it  joins  to  Afia.  Necos,  King  of  the 
Egyptians,  being  the  firft  of  thcle,  whom  we  know, 

to 

*  Lib.  iv,  chap.  42. 

•f  Lybia  is  the  name  by  which  the  whole  ccntincnt  of  Africa 
Was  called  by  the  Greeks, 


PRELIMINARY   DISSERTATIOM.  7 

to  demonftrate  it.  After  he  bad  defifted  from  dig 
ging  a  ditch  from  the  Nile  to  the  Arabian  gulf  (in 
which  work  above  twenty  thoufand  Egyptians  pe- 
rifhed  ;  he  betook  himfelf  to  raifing  armies  and 
building  mips,  partly  in  the  north  fea*  and  partly  in 
the  Arabian  gulf,  at  the  Red  Sea,  of  which  they 
yet  fliow  fome  remains,  t)  He  fent  certain  Pheni- 
cians  in  fhips,  commanding  them,  that  having  paff- 
ed  the  pillars  of  Hercules,  they  mould  penetrate  the 
north  fea,  and  fo  return  to  Egypt.  The  Phcni- 
cians  therefore  loofmg  from  the  Red  Sea,  went 
away  into  the  fouthern  fea,  and,  directing  their 
fhips  to  land,  made  a  feed  time,  at  the  end  of  au 
tumn,  that  they  might  expeft  a  harveft,  and  might 
affiduoufly  coaft  Lybia.  Then,  having  gathered 
the  harveft,  they  failed. +  Thus,  two  years  being 
confumed ;  in  the  third  year,  coming  round  the 
pillars  of  Hercules,  they  returned  to  Egypt ;  re 
porting  things  which  with  me  have  no  credit,  but 
siay  perhaps  with  others,  that  in  failing  round  Lybia 
they  had  the  Sun  on  the  right  hand.§  In  this  manner 
it  was  Hrft  known. 

"  In    the    fecorid  place,    the     Carthaginians, 
have     faid,     that     a     certain     Satafpcs,     fon     of 

Tcafpis 

*  By  the  north  fea  is  meant  the  Mediterranean,  which  lies  north 
cf  Egypt. 

•f  Lib.  11,  chap.  48. 

J  <;  Into  whatever  part  of  Lyhia  feamen  camp,  they  \vaited  for 
harveft,  and  when  they  had  reaped,  they  loofed  from  th"  fhore." 

(Note  of  Stephanus. 

§  i.  e.  They  being  in  the  fouthern  hemifpheicancl  f^'lir.tj   north 
ward,  faw  the  Sun  rife  on  the  right  hand. 

A  4    ' 


8  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

of  Teafpis,  a  man  of  the  Achamcnides  did  not  fait 
round  Lybia,  when  he  was  lent ;  but  being  deter 
red  by  the  length  of  the  navigation  and  the  fblitude 
of  the  country,  returned  home,  having  not  fulfilled 
the  labour  which  his  mother  enjoined  him.  For 
he  had  violated  a  virgin,  daughter  of  Zopyrus,  the 
fon  of  Megabyfus ;  and  for  that  caufe,  being  by 
Xerxes  condemned  to  be  crucified,  his  mother, 
who  was  fifler  to  Darius,  liberated  him  ;  becaufe, 
{he  faid,  me  would  impofe  on  him  a  punifhinent 
greater  than  the  King's  command.  Wherefore  it 
became  neceflary  for  him  to  fail  rouwd  all  Lybia, 
till  he  mould  come  to  the  Arabian  gulf.  Xerxes 
contenting  to  this,  Satafpes  went  into  Egypt,  and, 
having  there  taken  a  fliip  and  companions,  failed 
to  the  pillars  of  Hercules.  Having  pa  fled  them, 
and  having  doubled  the  promontory  of  Lybia  call 
ed  Syloes,*  he  kept  a  ibuthern  courfe.  Having 
traverfed  much  of  the  fea  in  many  months,  and  find 
ing  much  more  time  neceflary,  he  turned  about  and 
came  back  to  Egypt.  Returning  to  Xerxes,  he  re 
ported,  that  in  vifiting  the  remoteft  coafts,  he  had 
feen  fmall  men,  clothed  in  Phenician  garments; 
who,  at  the  approach  of  his  fhip,  fled  to  the  moun 
tains  and  left  their  villages  ;  which  he  entered,  and 
took  nothing  from  them  but  cattle.  He  gave  this 
reafon  for  not  having  failed  round  Lybia,  that  his 
fhip  could  fail  no  farther  ;  but  was  flopped.  Xer 
xes  did  not  believe  him,  and  becaufe  he  had  not 

performed 

*  Now  called  Cape  Bojador  in  the  s6th  degree  of  north  lati 
tude . 


PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION.  9 

performed  his  engagement,  ordered  him  to  under 
go  his  dellined  punimment." 

To  the  authenticity  of  this  circumnavigation  of 
the  African  continent,  the  following  objections  have 
been  made  : 

Firft,  it  is  fa  id  that "  the  veflels  which  the  ancients 
employed,  were  fo  fmall  as  not  to  afford  (towage 
for  proviijons,  fufficient  to  fubfift  a  crew  during  a 
long  voyage." 

Secondly,  "  their  conftruclion  was  fuch  that  they 
could  feldom  venture  to  depart  far  from  land,  and 
their  mode  of  fleering  along  the  coaft  was  fo  circuit 
ous  and  flow,  that  we  may  pronounce  a  voyage 
from  the  Mediterranean  to  India,  by  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  to  have  been  an  undertaking  beyond 
their  power  to  accomplifh  ;  in  fuch  a  manner  as  to 
render  it  in  any  degree  fubfervient  to  commerce. 
To  this  decifion,  the  account  preferved  by  Herodo 
tus  of  a  voyage  performed  by  fome  Phenician  fhips 
employed  by  the  King  of  Egypt,  can  hardly  be  con- 
fidered  as  repugnant."* 

I  have  chofen  to  confider  both  thefe  objections 
together,  becaufe  that  each  one  helps  to  deftroy 

the 

*  Robertfon's  India,  p.  175,  American  edition. 

The  objections  taken  from  this  learned  author  were  not  made 
direftly  againft  the  voyage  mentioned  by  Herodotus  ;  but  rather 
againft  the  poflibility  of  a  paflage  to  India  by  way  of  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  and  round  the  African  continent.  However,  as  he  bnngi 
this  voyage  into  view  in  the  fa"me  argument,  and  fpeaks  of  it  du- 
bioufiy,  it  is  conceived  that  his  fentiments  are  not  mifreprefentcd 
in  the  above  quotations. 


10  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION'. 

the  other.  For  if  the  vcffds  were  fo  fmall,  as  not 
to  contain  provifions  for  a  long  voyage,  this  was  one 
reafon  for  the  navigators  to  ke  p  their  courfe  near 
the  land  ;  that  they  might  find  water,  fruits,  game 
and  cattle,  on  the  more,  as  well  as  fifh,  on  the  fhoals 
and  rocks  near  the  coaft,  for  their  fubfiftance.  And 
if  it  was  tluir  defign  to  keep  near  the  land,  for  the 
fake  of  difcovery,  fmall  vcifcls  were  bed  adapted 
to  the  purpofe  ;  becaufe  they  could  pafs  over  ihoals, 
through  fmall  openings,  between  iflands  and  rocks, 
which  are  generally  fituate  near  the  coafls  of  great 
continents.  Befides,  if  the  vcffels  w  re  fmall,  they 
could  carry  but  fmall  crews,  who  would  not  iv  quire 
very  large  quantities  of  provifion. 

But  Herodotus  has  helped  us  to  folve  the  diffi 
culty  refpc6ling  provih'onsj  in  a  manner  perfectly 
agreeable  to  the  pra&ice  of  antiquity,  though  un 
known  to  modern  navigators.  They  went  on  fliore 
and  fowed  corn,  and  when  it  was  ripe  gathered  the 
harvelt.  This  enables  us  to  account  for  two  circum- 
ftances  attending  the  voyage  of  Necho  ;  the  length 
of  time  employed,  and  the  fupply  of  provifion,  at 
leafl  of  bread,  confumed  in  it. 

Nor  was  the  fowing  and  reaping  any  lofs  of  time  ; 
for  the  monfoons  in  the  Indian  ocean  would  not 
permit  them  to  proceed  any  fader.  A  (hip  failing 
from  the  Red  Sea  with  the  N.  E.  monfoon,  in  the 
fummer  or  autumn,  would  meet  with  the  S.  W. 
monfoon,  in  the  beginning  of  December,  which 
mult  have  detained  her  in  fomc  of  the  harbours,  on 

the 


PRELIMINARY   DISSERTATION.  ii 

the  eaftern  coaft  of  Africa,  till  the  next  April. 
During  this  time,  in  that  warm  climate,  corn  might 
be  fown  and  reaped  ;  and  any  other  articles,  either 
of  provifion  or  merchandifc,  might  be  taken  on 
board.  Then  the  N.  E.  monfoon  would  carry 
her  to  the  fouthern  parts  of  Africa,  into  the  region 
of  variable  winds.  This  regular  courfe  and  chang 
ing  of  the  monfoons  was  familiarly  known  to  the: 
navigators  of  Solomon's  mips,  and  was  the  caufe  of 
their  fpending  three  years,  in  the  voyage  to  and  from 
Ophir.  li  In  going  and  returning,  they  changed  the 
monfoon  fix  times,  which  made  thirty  fix  months. 
They  needed  no  longer  time  to  complete  the  voy 
age,  and  they  could  not  perform  it  in  lcfs."t 

It  is  not  pleaded,  that  the  voyage  of  Necho  was 
undertaken  for  the  fake  of  commerce  ;  or,  if  the 
authenticity  of  it  were  eftablifhe'd,  that  it  would 
prove  the  practicability  of  a  voyage  from  the  Medi 
terranean  to  India}  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
by  the  vefTels  then  in  ufe,  and  the  nautical  (kill 
then  acquired.  The  voyage  of  which  Herodotus 
fpeaks  might  have  been  a  voyage  of  difcovery; 
fuch  an  one  as  was  perfectly  agreeable  to  the  genius 
of  the  people  by  whom  it  was  performed,  and  of  the 
prince,  by  whofe  order  and  at  whofe  expenfe  it  was 
undertaken.  4i  The  progrefs  of  the  Phenicians  and 
Carthaginians,  in  their  knowledge  of  the  globe, 
was  not  owing  entirely  to  the  defire  of  extending 
their  trade  from  one  country  to  another.  Com 
merce  was  followed  by  its  ufual  effects,  among  both 

thofe 

t  Brucc's  travels — B.  ii,  chap.  4. 


ifc  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

thofe  people.  It  awakened  curiofity,  enlarged  the 
ideas  and  defires  of  men,  and  incited  them  tp  bold 
enterprifes.  Voyages  were  undertaken,  the  fole 
obje6l  of  which  was  to  "difcover  new  countries  and  to 
explore  unknown  feas"*  The  knowledge  acquired 
in  thefe  voyages  of  difcovery  might  afterwards  be 
fubfervient  to  commerce  ;  and  though  the  Pheni- 
cians  might  not  think  it  convenient,  to  circumnavi 
gate  Africa,  more  than  once,  yet  that  they  carried 
on  a  commercial  intercourfe  with  different  parts  of 
that  country,  and  particularly  with  places  fituate  on 
the  eaftern  coaft,  in  the  Indian  ocean,  we  have  evi 
dence  from  the  facred  writings.  In  the  reign  of 
Solomon  "the  king's  mips  with  the  fervants  of 
Hiram  and  the  navy  of  Tharfhifh  every  three  years 
brought  ivory,t  apes  and  peacocks,  befides  filver 
and  the  gold  of  Op/rir,"  which  is  with  great  reafon 
fuppofed  to  be  the"  country  now  called  Sofala  on 
the  eaftern  coaft  of  Africa,  in  the  fouthern  hcmif- 
phere ;  as  the  learned  Bruce,  in  his  late  book  of 
travels,  has  fatisfaclorily  proved. 

The  prophet  Ezekiel,  who  was  contemporary 
with  Necho,  King  of  Egypt,  in  the  account  which  he 
gives  of  the  merchandife  of  Tyre,  enumerates  fev- 
cral  commodities,  which  it  is  well  known  belong  to 
Africa,  "  horns  of  ivory  and  ebony,  and  the  pcrfons 
of  men."*  We  may  form  fome  idea  of  the  ftrength 
and  materials  of  the  mips  of  the  Tynans,  and  of 

their 

*  Robcrtfon's  America—VoI.  I,  p.  11,  ^th  edit. 

t  2  Chron.  viii.  18,  ix.  21. 

f  Ezekiel,  chap,  xxvii,  ver.   13,  15. 


PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION.  13 

their  {kill  in  navigation,fromthe  following  paflagesin 
his  apoftrophe  to  Tyrus.  "  They  have  made  all  thy 
fhip-boards  of  fir  trees  of  Seriir ;  they  have  taken 
cedars  of  Lebanon  to  make  mafts  for  thee  ;  of  the 
oaks  of  Bafhan  have  they  made  thine  oars.  Thy 
•wife  men,  O  Tyrus,  were  thy  pilots,  The  ancients 
of  Gebal,  the  wife  men  thereof  were  thy  calkers. 
The  (hips  of  Tharfhifh  did  fing  of  thee  ;  thou  waft 
replcnifhed  and  made  very  glorious  in  the  midft 
of  the  feas  ;  thy  rowers  have  brought  thee  into 
great  waters."  Though  we  have  no  particular  def- 
cription  of  the  fize  or  model  of  their  mips ;  yet 
they  certainly  had  mafts,  fails  and  oars ;  their 
pilots  and  calkers  were  wife  menj  and  they  were 
not  afraid  to  fail  in  great  waters,  by  which  is  proba 
bly  meant  the  Ocean,  in  diftinclion  from  the  Medi 
terranean. 

Of  the  form  and  ftrutture  of  the  Grecian  vefiels 
we  have  a  more  particular  knowledge.     "  They 
were  of  inconfiderable  burden,  and  moftly  without 
decks.     They  had  only  one  maft,  and  were  firang- 
ers  to  the  ufe  of  anchors."*     But  then  it  muft  be 
remembered,   that "  the  Phenicians,  who  inftrufted 
the  Greeks  in  other  ufeful  arts,  did  not  communi 
cate  to  them  that  extenfive  knowledge  of  naviga 
tion,  which  they  themfelves  poffeffed."t     We  may 
hence  conclude  that  the  mips  of  the  Phenicians 
were  fuperior  to  the  Grecian  vefTels ;  and  we  have 
no  evidence  from  the  ftru&ure  of  their  veflels  or 
their  mode  of  failing,  to  warrant  a  doubt  of  the  abil 
ity 

1  Robertfon's  America — Vol,  I,  p.  1$, 
t  Ibid.  p.  14. 


14  PRELIMINARY  DISSMRTATIOW, 

ity  of  their fhips  or  Teamen,  to  perform  a  voyage 
round  the  continent  of  Africa  in  three  years. 

To  an  European  theorid  fuch  a  voyage  may  feem 
iefs  practicable  than  to  an  American.  The  Euro 
peans  have  ufually  employed  none  but  fhips  of  great 
burden,  in  their  trade  to  India  and  China;  but 
n'nre  the  Americans  have  vifited  thofe  countries, 
(loops  of  fifty  or  fi.xty  tons  have  failed  round  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  to  China,  and  round  Cape 
Horn  to  the  northweft  coait  of  America,  and  acrofs 
the  north  Pacific  Ocean.  If  any  doubt  can  yet  re 
main,  it  may  be  entirely  removed  by  the  recollection 
of  a  voyage  performed  in  the  year  1789,  by  Lieu 
tenant  Bligh  of  the  Britifh  navy;  who,  being 
turned  adrift  by  his  mutinous  crew,  traverfcd  the 
foiith  Pacific  Ocean,  above  twelve  hundred 
leagues,  in  a  boat  of  twenty  three  feet  long,  with 
out  a  deck,  in  much  Itormy  weather,  with  fcanty 
provifions ;  and  having  paded  many  dangerous 
rocks  and  fhoals,  among  unknown  iflands,  arrived 
in  forty  one  days  at  a  Dutch  feulement  in  Timor, 
one  of  the  Moluccas.*  The  obje6hions  then  agairiit 
ihe  reality  of  Necho's  voyage,  from  the  fi/.e  and 
ihuciure  of  the  Phenician  veflcls,  and  the  want  ci 
provifion,  are  not  fo  formidable  on  examination,  ?. : 
fit  the  firil  appearance. t 

A  third 

*  See  the  printed  narrative  by  Lieut.  Bi 

"T  Since  this  cliffcrtation  was  fent  Lo  the  prefs  I  have  met  with 
the  fullowintf  account  of  an  adventure  which  adds  to  the  credibil  • 
My  ot'th-.-  circu^Hnavigatiop of  Afii-.ain  fmull  embarkations'. 


PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION.  15 

A  third  objection  againlt  the  credibility  of 
this  early  circumnavigation  is,  that  feveral  writers 
of  the  greateft  eminence  among  the  ancients,  and 
mod  dillinguilhed  for  their  knowledge  of  geogra 
phy,  regarded  this  account  rather  as  an  amufing 
tale,  than  the  hiftory  of  a  real  tranfaclion  ;  and, 
either  entertained  doubts  concerning  the  poffibility 
of  failing  round  Africa,  or  abfolutely  denied  it."* 

That 

In  1534  when  the  Portuguefe  had  eflablifhed  a  government  in 
India  ;  Badur  King  of  Kambaya  being  at  war  with  the  great 
Mogul  fought  afliftance  from  the  Portuguefe  and  offered  them  the 
liberty  of  building  a  fort  at  Diu.  As  foon  as  this  liberty  was 
granted  and  the  plan  of  the  fort  was  drawn,  James  Botello  a  per- 
fon  fkilful  in  the  affairs  of  India,  having  been  in  difgrace  with 
John  King  of  Portugal,  and  being  anxious  to  recover  the  favour 
of  that  Prince  refolved  to  carry  the  firft  news  of  it  to  him.  Hav 
ing  obtained  a  copy  of  the  plan  he  fet  out  from  India  in  a  bark  of 
Jixteenfict  and  a  half  long,  nin:  broad  and  four  and  a  half 
deep  ;  with  three  Portugueib,  two  others,  and  his  own  flaves. 
He  pretended  that  he  was  going  to  Kambaya,  but  when  he  was  out 
at  fea,  made  known  his  defign  to  go  to  Lifton  ;  at  which  they 
were  all  aitonifhed.  Being  overcome  by  fair  words  they  proceeded 
on  their  way,  till  finding  themfelves  reduced  to  ditrrefs,  the  flaves 
agreed  to  kill  Botello  ;  but  after  killing  a  fervant  they  were  put 
to  death  themfelves.  With  the  four  who  remained,  Botello  held 
•n  hiscourfe,  doubled  the  fouthern  cape  of  Africa  and  at  length 
arrived  at  Lifbon  ;  where  the  bark  was  immediately  burnt  ;  that 
no  man  might  fee  it  was  poiTible  to  perform  that  voyage  in  fo 
fmall  a  veficl.  The  King  was  greatly  pleafed  with  the  news,  and 
reliored  Botello  to  his  favour,  without  any  other  reward  for  fo 
daring  an  adventure. 

See  a  collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels,  in  quarto,  printed  *t 
I  endon,  1745,  by  Thomas  Aflley.     Vol.  i.  p.  82, 
i*  Robcrtfon's  India,  p.  175. 


16  PRELIMINARY  DISSKRTATIO.V. 

That  the  Roman  geographers  and  hiftorians  did 
doubt  and  difbelieve  the  (lory  is  very  evident ;  and 
the  caufes  are  not  far  to  be  fought. 

The  firft  was  the  jealoufy  of  the  Phenicians. 
u  Whatever  acquaintance  with  the  remote  regions 
of  the  earth  the  Phenicians  or  Carthaginians  acquir 
ed,  was  concealed  from  the  reft  of  mankind  with  a 
mercantile  jealoufy.  Every  thing  relative  to  the 
«. ourfe  of  navigation  was  a  fccret  of  ftate,  as  well 
as  a  my  fiery  of  trade*  Extraordinary  facts  are 
recorded  concerning  their  folicitude  to  prevent 
other  nations  from  penetrating  into  what  they  wifh- 
ed  mould  remain  undivulged."*  One  of  thefe 
extraordinary  facls  is  thus  related  by  Strabo.  The 
Romans,  being  defirous  to  difcover  the  places, 
whence  the  Carthaginians  fetched  tin  and  amber, 
"  fent  a  veflel,  with  orders  to  fail  in  the  wake  of  a 
Phcnician  veflel.  This  being  obfcrvcd  by  the' 
Carthaginian,  he  purpofely  ran  his  veflel  among 
rocks  and  fand  banks  ;  fo  that  it  was  loft,  together 
with  that  of  the  inquifitive  Roman.  The  patriotic 
commander  of  the  former  was  indemnified  for  hi- 
lofs  by  his  country. vt 

A  fecond  rcafon  was  the  pride  of  the  Romans. 
If,  as  Pope  tells  Us, 

"With  honed  fcorn.  the  firft  fam'd  Cato  vir-w'd 
Rome,  learning  arts  from  G recce  whom  fhe  fubdu'd  ;'' 

the  fame  pride  would  make  their  wife  men  fcorn  to 
lean1,  geography  or  navigation,  theoretically,  from 
thole  who  were  belt  able  to  teach  them.     It  is  ac 
knowledged 

*  Robcrtfon's  America,  vol.  i.  p.  13.' 

+  ForRerN  Hiftorv  o{  Voyage*  and  Difcoveriet,  chap.  i. 


PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION.  17 

knowledged  that  the  Romans  ««  did  not  imbibe  that 
commercial  fpirit  and  ardor  for  difcovery  which 
diftinguifhed  their  rivals."*  It  muft  alfo  be  obferv- 
ed,  that  there  was  but  little  intercourfe  between 
them  ;  and  that  the  Carthaginians  were  deficient  in 
thofe  fciences  for  which  the  Romans  were  famous* 
Among  the  Phenicians  and  Carthaginians,  the  ftudy 
and  knowledge  of  their  youth  were  confined  to  writ 
ing,  arithmetic,  and  mercantile  accounts;  whilft 
polite  literature,  hiftory  and  philofophy  were  in 
little  repute;  and  by  a  law  of  Carthage,  the  ftudy 
of  the  Greek  language  was  prohibited ;  left  any 
communication  mould  be  carried  on  with  their  e- 
ncmies.t 

A  third  reafon  was  the  opinion  which  the  wifeft 
men  among  the  Romans  had  formed,  and  to  which 
they  obilinately  adhered,  concerning  the  five- 
zones,  and  the  impoffibility  of  pairing  from  one 
hemifphere  to  the  other,  becaufe  of  the  torrid  zone 
lying  between.  This  doclrine  of  the  zones  is  fo 
fully  reprefented  by  Dr.  Robertfon,J  that  I  need 
only  refer  the  reader  to  what  he  has  written  on  the 
iubjccl. 

But  notwithftanding  the  doubts  and  the  infideli 
ty  of  the  Roman  philofophers,  and  the  great  def 
erence  paid  to  them    by  this  learned  and  cautious 
inquirer;   there  is  one  circumftance  which  almoft ^ 
convinced  him  of  the  reality  of  Necho's  voyage, 

as 

w  Robertfon's  America,  vol.  i,  p.  14. 

+  Rollin's  Ancient  Hiflory,  book  ii,  part  i,  fefh  7. 

J  Robertfon's  America,  vol.  i,  note  8. 

B 


i8  PRELIMINARY 

as  related  by  Herodotus.  It  is  this,  that  the  Phc 
nicians,  in  failing  round  Africa,  "  had  the  Sun  on 
their  right  hand;"  which  Herodotus,  with  his  ufual 
modefty  and  candor  fays,  "  with  me  has  no  credit, 
though  it  may  with  others."  On  this  the  Dofctor, 
judicioufiy  remarks,  "  The  fcicncc  of  ailronomy 
was  in  that  early  period  fo  imperfect,  that  it  was 
by  experience  only,  that  the  Phenicians  could 
conic  at  the  knowledge  of  this  facl ;  they  durft  not, 
without  this,  havj;  ventured  to  aflert  what  would 
have  appeared  to  be  an  improbable  fiction."*  In 
deed  if  they  had  not  known  it  by  experience,  there 
is  not  the  leait  conceivable  reaibn  for  their  invent 
ing  fuch  a  report ;  nor  even  for  the  entrance  of 
fuch  an  idea  into  their  imagination.  The  model! 
doubt  of  Herodotus  is  another  argument  in  favour 
of  the  truth  and  genuincnefs  of  it ;  for  as  he  had 
no  experience  to  guide  him,  and  the  idea  was  new, 
it  was  very  proper  for  him  to  hefitau-  in  admitting 
it,  though  he  mowed  his  impartiality  by  inicrting  it 
in  his  relation. 

So  much  for  the  voyage  performed  by  the  Pbt--- 
nicians  under  the  orders  of  Necho,  which  is  the 
firft  proof  produced  by  Herodotus,  of  his  pofition, 
that "  Lybia  is  furrounded  by  die  fea,  except  where 
it  joins  Afia." 

Hi* fecond  proof  is  not  fo  conclufjvc,  nor    is  the 
defign  of  his  introducing  it  fo  obvious.     It  is  the 
relation  of  a  voyage  undertaken  by  Satafpcs  a  Per- 
iian.  whofe  punifhmem  was  commuted  from  cruci 
fixion 

*  Rpbertfoh's  India,  note  54. 


PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION.  19 

fixion  to  failing  round  Lybia ;  which  voyage  he 
began,  but  returned  by  the  fame  route,  not  having 
completed  it.  The  reafon  which  he  gave  for  re 
turning  was,  that  "  his  ihip  was  flopped  and  could 
fail  no  farther,"  which  his  fovereign  did  not  believe, 
and  therefore  put  him  to  death,  to  which  he  had 
before  been  condemned. 

The  only  evidence  which  this  {lory  can  afford 
is,  that  the  circumnavigation  of  the  African  con 
tinent  was,  at  that  time,  thought  practicable  The 
mother  of  Satafpes  thought  fo,  or  fhe  would  not 
have  propofed  it  ;  and  Xerxes  thought  fo,  or  he 
would  not  have  difbelieved  the  (lory  of  the  fhip 
being  flopped ;  by  which  expreflion  was  meant 
that  the  fea  was  no  farther  navigable,  by  reafon  of 
land. 

The  exacl  date  of  this  voyage  is  not  afcertain- 
ed ;  but  as  Xerxes  reigned  twelve  years,  and  died 
in  the  year  473  before  Chriit,  it  could  not  have 
been  much  more  than  thirty  years,  preceding  the 
time  when  Herodotus  publifhed  his  hiflory. 

The  voyage  of  Hanno,  the  Carthaginian,  is  thus 
briefly  mentioned  by  Pliny  ;  c*  In  the  flourifhing 
fUte  of  Carthage,  Hanno  having  failed  round 
from  Gades  [Cadiz]  to  the  border  of  Arabia,  com 
mitted  to  writing  an  account  of  his  voyage  ;  as  did 
Himilco,  who  was  at  the  fame  time  fent  to  difcover 
the  extreme  parts  of  Europe."*  The  character  of 
Pliny,  as  a  hiflorian,  is,  that  "  he  collected  from  all 

authors, 

*  Piiny's  Natural  Hjftory,  lib,  2,  cap.  67. 
B   2 


20  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION, 

authors,  good  and  bad,  who  had  written  before 
him  ;  and  that  his  work  is  a  mixture  of  truth  and 
error,  which  it  is  difficult  to  feparate."  An  in- 
flance,  in  confirmation  of  this  remark,  occurs  in 
this  very  chapter  ;  where  he  fpeaks  of  forne  mer 
chants,  failing  from  India,  and  thrown  by  a  tem- 
peft,  on  the  coaft  of  Germany.  He  alfo  mentions 
a  voyage,  made  by  Eudoxus,  from  the  Arabian 
gulf  to  Cades  ;  and  another  of  Coelius  Antipater, 
from  Spain  to  Ethiopia. 

Of  thefe  voyages,  that  of  Hanno  is  bed  authen 
ticated.  He  failed  from  Carthage  with  fixty  gal- 
lies,  each  carrying  fifty  oars,  having  on  board 
thirty  thoufand  men  and  women,  with  provifions 
and  articles  of  traffic.  The  defign  of  this  equip 
ment  was  to  plant  colonies  along  the  wellern  more 
of  Africa,  which  the  Carthaginians,  from  priority 
t)f  difcovery,  and  from  its  contiguity  to  their  ter 
ritory,  confidcred  as  their  own  dominion.  Han- 
tio  was  abfent  five  years,  on  this  colonizing  expe 
dition  ;  but  there  is  no  certainty  of  his  having  pro 
ceeded  any  fariher  fouthward,  than  the  bay  of 
Benin,  in  the  eighth  degree  of  north  latitude.  A 
fragment  of  his  journal,  which,  at  his  return,  he 
depofited  in  the  temple  of  Saturn,  at  Carthage,  is 
now  extant  ;  and  though  it  has  been  treated  as 
fabulous  by  feveral  authors,  ancient  and  modern, 
yet,  its  authenticity  has  been  vindicated  by  M. 
Bougainville,  in  the  26th  volume  of  the  Memoirs 
of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Infcriptions  and  Belles 

Lettres ; 


DISSERTATION.  21 

Lettrcs  ;  where  a  French  tranflation  of  it  is  given 
from  the  Greek,  into  which  language  it  was  ren 
dered  from  the  original  Punic. 

Concerning  the  voyage  of  Eudoxus,  the  fol 
lowing  account  is  given  by  Bruce.*  He  was  fent 
by  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  as  an  ambaflkdor  to  India, 
to  remove  the  bad  effecls  of  the  King's  conduft  in 
the  beginning  cf  his  reign,  who  had  extorted  con 
tributions  from  merchants  of  that  and  other  trad 
ing  countries.  Eudoxus  returned  after  the  King's 
death,  and  was  wrecked  on  the  coaft  of  Ethiopia  ; 
•where  he  difcovered  the  prow  of  a  fliip,  which  had. 
Differed  the  fame  fate.  It  was  the  figure  of  a  horfe  j 
and  a  failor,  who  had  been  employed  in  European 
voyages,  knew  this  to  have  been  part  of  one  of 
thofe  veflels,  which  traded  on  the  Atlantic  ocean  ; 
of  which  trade  Gades  was  the  principal  port.  This 
circumftance  amounted  to  a  proof,  that  there  was  a 
paffage  round  Africa,  from  the  Indian  to  the  Atlan 
tic  ocean.  The  difcovery  was  of  no  greater  im 
portance  to  any  perfon,  than  to  Eudoxus  himfelf ; 
for,  fometime  afterward,  falling  under  the  difplea- 
fure  of  Ptolemy  Lathy rus,  and  being  in  danger  of 
his  life,  he  fled  ;  and  embarking  on  the  Red  Sea, 
failed  round  Africa  and  camq  to  Gades. 

This  voyage  of  Eudoxus  was  treated  as   a  fable 
by  Strabo,  the  Roman  geographer,  who  wrote  about 
a  century  and  a  half  after  the  time  when  it  is  faid  to 
have  been  performed.     The    true  caufe  of  the  in 
credulity 

*  Travels,  book  ii,  chap.  5.     The  voyage  of  Eiuloxus  was  orijr- 
iinmy  written  by  Pojidowiis,  but  I  have  not  met  \vilh  that  autljo 


it  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

credulity  of  him  and  of  other  Roman  authors  in 
refpect  to  thefe  voyages  and  difcoveries,  was  the 
doclrine  of  the  zones  ;  to  which  they  inflexibly 
adhered,  and  which  entirely  precluded  all  cop- 
viclion. 

Thefe  are  all  the  evidences  which  I  have  had 
opportunity  to  examine  refpe&ing  the  queftion  of 
tjie  circumnavigation  of  Africa,*  and,  upon  the 
whole,  there  appears  to  be  this  peculiarity  attending 
the  fubjett,  that  it  was  believed  by  thofe  who  liv 
ed  neareft  to  the  time  when  the  vqyage  of  Necho 
is  faid  to  have  been  made  ;  and,  that  in  propor 
tion  to  the  diftance  of  time  afterward,  it  was'  doubt 
ed,  difbelieyed  and  denied  ;  till  its  credibility  was 
eftabiifhcd  beyond  all  doubt  by  the  Portugucfe  ad 
venturers  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  credibility  of  the  Egyptian  or  Phcnician 
voyages,  round  the  continent  of  Africa,  being  ad 
mitted,  and  the  certainty  of  the  Carthaginian  voy 
ages  and  colonies  on  the  wettern  more  of  Africa 
being  eflablifhed  ;  we  may  extend  our  inquiry  to 
the  probability  of  what  has  been  advanced  by  fome 
writers,  and  doubted  or  denied  by  others,  the  popu 
lation  of  fomc  part  of  America  from  beyond  the 
Atlantic. 

The 

*  Dr.  Forjtcr,  in  his  hiftory  of  voyages  and  difcoveries  (chap,  i) 
refers  to  three  German  authors,  Gefncr,  Schlozer  and  Miehaelis, 
who  have  written  on  this  fubjeft.  and  obferves,  that  "  the  circum 
navigation  of  Afrira  by  the  Phcmcians  and  Egyptians  is  proved 
nlmofl  to  a  demonfiration." 


PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION.  23 

The  difcovery  of  the  Canary  iflands  by  the  Car- 
lhaginians  is  a  faft  well  attefted.  Pliny  fpeaks  of 
them  as  then  deltitute  of  inhabitants,  but  containing 
(vejligia  adificioruw)  the  remains  of  buildings. 
From  this  circumftance,  it  mud  appear,  that  they 
had  been  inhabited  before  the  Carthaginian  difcov 
ery.  In  Plutarch's  time, the  Fortunate  Iflands  were 
not  only  inhabited,  but  were  fo  celebrated  for  their 
fertility,  that  they  were  fuppofed  to  be  the  feat  of 
the  bleffed. 

When  Madeira  and  Porto  Santo  were  difcover- 
cd  by  the  Normans  and  Portuguefc,  both  were  un 
inhabited.  A  queftion  then  arifes,  if  thefe  iflands 
were  fometimes  inhabited  and  at  other  times  defert- 
ed,  what  became  of  their  inhabitants  ?  It  mult  have 
been  fame  uncommon  event  which  could  induce 
them  to  abandon  fo  pleafant  and  fruitful  a.  country 
without  leaving  a  (ingle  family  behind.  If  they 
perifhed  in  the  iflands,  it  is  (till  more  extraordinary ; 
for  it  is  a  molt  fmgular  circumftance  that  all  the 
inhabitants  of  any  place  fliould  be  deltroyed  and  yet 
the  place  itfelf  remain.  George  Glas,  who  puhlifh- 
ed  a  hiftory  of  thefe  iflands  in  1764,  attempts  to 
folve  the  inquiry  thus.* 

"  Almoft  two  thirds  of  the  Canary  iflands  are 
covered  with  calcined  rocks,  pumice  ftones,  and 
black  aflies,  which  have  been  formerly  thrown  out 

from  volcanos ;  the  remains  of  which  are  flill  to  be 

f 

feen,  in  every  one  of  thefe  iflands.     Many  of  the 

natives 

*  Pae  ifi-.     to. 


24  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

natives  might  have  been  deftroyed  by  thefe  violent 
eruptions,  and  the  remainder  being  terrified,  might 
abandon  their  country,  and  go  in  queft  of  new  habi 
tations:  but,  where  they  went,  is  a  queftion  not  cafi- 
ly  folved  ;  though  fome  affert,  that  they  patted  over 
to  America."  An  event  exactly  fimilar  is  faid 
by  the  fame  author  to  have  happened  about  thirty 
years  before  he  wrote.*  "  A  volcano  broke  out 
in  the  S.  W.  part  of  the  ifland  of  Lanccrotta,  near 
the  fea,  but  remote  from  habitation  ;  which  threw 
out  Rich  an  immenfe  quantity  of  afhes  and  ftones, 
with  fo  dreadful  a  noife,  that  many  of  the  natives 
deferted  their  houfes,  and  fled  to  Fuertaventura, 
another  ifland,  for  the  preferyation  of  their  lives." 
But,  whether  we  admit  the  conjecture,  that,  be 
ing  thus  obliged  to  quit  the  iflands,  they  «  paffcd 
over  to  America,"  or  not  ;  yet  it  is  extremely 
probable,  that,  in  fome  of  the  ancient  circumnavi 
gations  of  Africa,  or  in  palling  to  and  from  thcfe 
iflands,  or  even  in  coafting  the  continent  from  the 
ftraights  of  Gibraltar,  fome  vefiels  might  be  drawn 
by  currents  or  driven  by  iempefts,  within  the  verge 
of  the  trade  wind  ;  "  which  begins  not  far  to  the 
fouthward  of  the  ftraights,  and  blows  nine  months 
of  the  year,  on  the  coaft  of  Morocco."  In  this 
cafe,  it  would  be  next  to  impoflible,  for  thofe  who 
had  met  with  any  confidcrable  damage  in  their 
mafts,  fails,  or  rigging,  to  run  in  any  other  direftion, 
than  before  the  wind  to  theweftward;  and  this 

courfc 

*  Page   000.. 


PRELIMINARY   DISSERTATION.          25 

courfe  mud  bring  them  to  the  continent,  or  iflands 
of  America. 

In  confirmation  of  this  remark,  feveral  fa6ls  have 
been  adduced  by  way  of  proof.  One  is  thus  relat 
ed  by  Glas  ;*  "  A  few  years  ago,  a  fmall  bark 
laden  with  corn  and  paffcngers,  bound  from  Lan- 
cerotta  to  Tenerifre,  met  with  fome  difaftcr  at  fea, 
by  which  fhe  was  rendered  incapable  of  getting  to 
any  of  the  Canary  iflands  ;  and  was  obliged  to 
run  many  days  before  the  wind,  till  fhe  came 
within  two  days  fail  of  the  coaft  of  Caraccas,  in 
South  America ;  where  (he  met  an  Englifh  fhip, 
which  fupplicd  the  furviving  paffengers  with  water, 
and  directed  her  to  the  port  of  La  Guiara,  on  that 
coaft."  La  Guiara  is  one  of  the  ports  to  which  the 
trade  from  the  Canaries  is  reftrifted  by  the  King  of 
Spain  ;  and  the  run  thither  from  Teneriffe  is  gene 
rally  performed  in  lefs  than  thirty  days,  with  the 
trade  wind.t 

Another  fa£l  is  taken  from  GumillaJ  who  fays ; 
<4  In  December  1731,  whilft  I  was  at  the  town  of 
St.  Jofeph  in  the  ifland  of  Trinidad,  a  fmall  verTe! 
of  Teneriffe,  with  fix  feamen,  was  driven  into  that 
ifland  by  flrefs  of  weather.  She  was  laden  with 
wine,  and  bound  for  one  other  of  the  Canary 
iflands;  flie  had  provifion  only  for  a  few  days, 
which,  notwithflanding  the  utmoft  care,  had  been 
expended,  and  the  cre.w  fubfifted  wholly  on  wine. 

They 

*  Introduction,  page  5. 
+  ibid,  page  329,  333. 

J  Cited  by  Edwards,  in  his  hiftoiy  of  the  W.  Indies,  vol.  i, 
p.  109, 


26  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

They  were  reduced  to  the  lad  extremity ;  and 
were  received  with  aftonifhraent  by  the  inhabi 
tants,  who  ran  in  crowds  to  fee  them.  Their  ema 
ciated  appearance  would  have  fufficientjy  confirm 
ed  the  truth  of  their  ftory,  if  the  papers,  which  they 
produced,  had  not  put  the  matter  beyond  all 
doubt." 

A  third  fact  is  related  by  Herrera,  the  royal 
Spanifh  hiftoriart.t  Columbus  in  his  fecond  voyage 
to  America,  having  difcovtred  the  ifland  of  Gua- 
daloupe,  <;  found  a  piece  of  timber  belonging  to  a 
fhip,  which  the  fcamen  call  the  ftern  poll ;  which 
they  much  admired,  not  knowing  which  way  it 
fhould  come  thither,  unlefs  carried  by  tempeftuous 
weather,  from  the  Canaries,  or  from  the  ifland 
Hifpaniola,"  where  the  Admiral's  {hip  was  call  a- 
way  in  his  former  Voyage.  Ferdinand  Columbus, 
in  the  life  of  his  father, J  does  not  directly  afTert 
this;  but  fpeaks  of  their  finding  "an  iron  pan;" 
and  endeavours  to  account  for  it,  by  faying  that 
the  ftones  there  being  of  the  colour  of  iron,  a  per- 
fon  of  an  indifferent  judgment  might  miftake  the 
one  for  the  other.*'  Not  content  with  this  folution 
he  goes  on  thus ;  "  though  it  were  of  iron,  it  was 
not  to  be  admired,  bccaufe  the  Indians  of  the  ifland 
of  Guadaloupc,  being  Carribbees,  and  making 
their  excurfions  to  rob,  as  far  as  Hifpaniola;  per 
haps  they  had  that  pan,  of  the  Chriflians,  or  of  the 
other  Indians  of  Hifpaniola;  and  it  ispoffible  they 

might 

•f  Decacl.  i,  book  ii,  chap.  7. 

J  Chapter  47,  in  Churchill's  collections,  vol.  ii. 


PRELIMINARY  JDISSERTATION.  27 

might  carry  the  body  of  the  JJiip  the  Admiral  loft,  to 
make  ufe  of  the  iron  ;  and  though  it  were  not  the 
hulk  of  that  fhip ;  it  might  be  the  remainder  of  fome 
ether  wreck,  carried  thither  by  the  wind  and  cur 
rent  from  our  parts." 

The  improbability  of  the  Indians  having  carried 
"  the  body  or  hulk  of  the  fhip,,  which  the  Admiral 
loft,"  from  the  northern  fide  of  Hifpaniola,  to  the 
caftern  fide  of  Guadaloupe,  will  appear  from  the 
diftance;  which  is  not  lefs  than  two  hundred 
leagues,  in  a  dire8.ion  oppofite  to  the  conftant  blow 
ing  of  the  wind.  Nor  will  Herrera's  conjecture, 
that  the  ftern  pott  of  the  Admiral's  fhip  was  carried 
thither  by  a  tempeft,  be  readily  admitted,  by  any 
who  are  acquainted  with  the  navigation  of  the  Weft 
Indies;  for  it  mud  have  pafled  through  a  multi 
tude  of  iflands  and  rocks ;  and,  without  a  miracle, 
could  fcarcely  have  come  entire,  from  fo  great  a 
diftance  in  fuch  foul  feas.  But  the  difficulty  is 
farther  increafed,  by  confidering  what  Don  Ferdi 
nand  and  Herrera  have  both  afferted ;  that  when 
Columbus  had  loft  his  fhip,  "he  built  a  fort  with 
the  timber,  whereof  he  loft  no  part,  but  made  ufe 
of  it  all  ;"*  and  this  fort  was  afterward  burnt  by 
the  natives.  If  therefore  there  be  any  truth  in  the 
ftory  of  the  ftern  poft  found  at  Guadaloupe  ;  it 
muft  have  belonged  to  fome  other  veflelj  either 
foundered  at  lea,  or  wrecked  on  the  fhore. 

Under 

*  Life  of  Columbus,  chap,  xxxiv.     Herrera,  book  i.  chap.  18. 


28  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

Under  the  head  of  fortuitous  vifits  to  the  Ame 
rican  continent,  may  be  included  a  circumllance 
mentioned  by  Peter  Martyryf  that  not  far  from 
a  place  called  Quarequa  in  the  gulf  of  Darien, 
Vafco  Nunez  met  with  a  colony  of  negroes.  From 
the  fmallnefs  of  their  number  it  was  fuppofcd  they 
had  not  been  long  arrived  on  that  coait.J  Thefe 
negroes  could  have  come  in  no  other  vefiels  but 
canoes ;  a  circumftance  by  no  means  incredible, 
to  thofe  who  have  read  the  accounts  of  Cook,  and 
other  navigators  of  the  tropical  fcas. 

To  thele  facls  may  be  added,  the  cafual  difcovery 
of  Brazil,  by  the  Portuguefe  commander,  Pedro 
Alvarez  Cabral,  in  his  voyage  to  India  in  the  year 
1500;  an  account  of  which  is  preferred  by  Dr. 
Robertfon.$  "  In  order  to  avoid  the  calms  near 
the  coaft  of  Africa,  he  flood  out  to  fea ;  and  kept 
fo  far  to  the  weft,  that,  to  his  furprize,  he  found 
himfelf  on  the  more  of  an  unknown  country,  in  the 
tenth  degree  of  fouth  latitude.  He  imagined  at 
firft,  that  it  was  fome  ifland  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  ; 
but  proceeding  along  its  coaft,  for  feveral  days,  he 
was  gradually  led  to  believe,  that  a  country  fo  ex- 
tenfive  formed  a  part  of  fome  great  continent." 

Thefe  inflances  may  ferve  as  fo  many  fpecimens 
of  the  manner,  in  which  America  might  have  provr 
ed  an  afylum,  to  fome  of  the  ancient  navigators  of 

the 

+  De  orbe  novo,  Decad.  lii,  chap.  i. 

J  Edwards'  hift.  Weft  Indies,  vol.  i,  p.  no. 

§  Hift.  America,  vol.  i,  p.  151. 


PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION.  29 

the  African  coafts,  or  of  the  Canary  iflands ;  and 
being  arrived,  it  would  be  impofiible  for  them  to 
return.  The  fame  winds  which  brought  them  hith 
er,  continuing  to  blow  from  the  eaitward,  would 
either  difcourage  them  from  making  -the  attempt,  or 
oblige  them  to  put  back  if  they  had  made  it.  No 
argument  then  can  be  drawn  from  hence,  in  favour 
of  a  mutual  intercourfe,  between  this  and  the  old 
continent.  Thofe  who  would  prove,  that  America 
was  known  to  the  ancients,  muft  produce  better  evi 
dence,  than  they  have  yet  produced,  if  they  con 
tend  for  any  other  knowledge,  than  what  was  acquir 
ed  by  cafual  difcoverers,  who  never  returned. 

The  opinion  that  America  was  peopled,  in  part, 
by  the  Phenicians,  was  long  fince  maintained  by 
Hornius;  and,  though  rejected  by  many  fuccecd- 
ing  writers,  has  been  lately  revived  by  Bryan  Ed 
wards,*  a  well  informed  merchant  of  the  ifland  of 
Jamaica.  He  extends  the  argument  no  farther, 
than  to  the  Charaibe  nation ;  who  inhabited  the 
Windward  Iflands,  and  fome  part  of  the  fouthern 
continent ;  "  whofc  manners  and  characleriftic 
features  denote  a  different  anceftry,  from  the  gene 
rality  of  the  American  nations."  In  fupport  of 
this  opinion,  he  has  produced,  perhaps,  as  much 
evidence  from  a  fimilarity  of  manners  and  language, 
as  a  fubjecl  of  fuch  remote  antiquity  can  admit. 

To  this  elegant  work  I  muft  refer  the  reader, 
and  mall  add  one  only  remark,   arifing   from  the 

preceding 

*  Hift,  W.  Indies,  vol.  i,  p.  103.   410. 


30  PRELIMINARY  DISSERTATION. 

preceding  obfervations ;  that  if  any  acccffion  of 
inhabitants  was  made  to  America,  by  the  dcfultory 
migration  of  the  Phenician  or  Carthaginian  navi 
gators,  it  is  moil  rational  to  look  for  them  between 
the  tropics;  the  very  place  where  the  Charaibes 
were  found, 


; 


A  Chronological  Detail  of  Adventures  and  Difcovenes9 
made  by  the  EUROPEAN  Nations^  zw  AMERICA, 
before  the  Ejlabli/Jiment  of  the  Council  of  PLY 
MOUTH,  in  1620. 

Thofe  marked  with    ^T  are   more  particularly  enlarged   upon  in  the 
Lives  of  the  Adventurers. 

1001"          JJIRON,  a  Norman,  accidentally  dif- 
covered  a  country  which  was  afterward  call 
ed  Winland ;  and  is  fuppofed  to  be  a  part  of 
the  ifland  of  Newfoundland. 

Crantz.  Pontoppidan. 

1170.       MADOC,  prince  of  Wales,  emigrated; 
&3~    and,  it  is  thought,  difcovered  a  new  country 
in  the  welt.  Hakluyt. 

An  ifland  called  Eftotiland,  was   difcover- 
~^J    ed  by  a  fifherman  of  Frijland  ;  as  related  by 

ZENO.  Hakluyt. 

1492.  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS,  in  the 
fervice  of  Spam,  difcovered  Guanahani  and 
other  iflands,  called  Bahamas  and  Antilles. 

Ferd.  Columbus. 

COLUMBUS  made  a  fecond  voyage, 
and  difcovered  Dominica  and  other  iflands, 
called  Caribbees.  ibid. 

1497.  JOHN  CABOT,  with  his  fon  SEBAS- 
TIAN,  in  the  fervice  of  HENRY  VII,  of 
England,  difcovered  the  ifland  of  Newfound 
land  and  fome  parts  of  a  weftern  Continent  / 

as 


§2  A  CHRONOLOGICAL  DETAIL  or 

as  far  northward  as  lat.  45%  and  as  far  fouth- 
ward  as  lat.  38°.  Haklyt. 

1498  COLUMBUS  made  a  third  voyage,  and 
difcovered  the  wcftern  continent,  in  lati 
tude  10°,  N.  Fcrd.  Col. 

l-199  OJEDA,  a  private  adventurer,  and  AM 
ERIGO  VESPUCCI  followed  the  track  of 
COLUMBUS,  and  difcovered  the  we  item 
continent;  of  which  Amerigo,  after  his  re 
turn  to  Europe,  wrote  an  account,  and  pub- 
lifhcd  it.  From  which,  the  continent  ob 
tained  the  name  of  AMERICA. 

Robertfon. 

1500  CABRAL,  in  the  fervice  of  Portugal, 
bound  to  India,  difcovered  by  accident,  the 
continent  of  America,in  lat.  10°  fouth ;  which 
was  called  BrafiL 

ibid. 

3.502  COLUMBUS  made  his  fourth  and  lad 
voyage  to  the  new  continent,  in  qucft  of  a 
paffage  through  it  to  India. 

Ferd.  Col. 

•t  :> :  2  J  O  H  N  PO N CE,  in  the  fervice  of  Spam, 
difcovered  the  new  continent,  in  the  lati 
tude  of  30'  N,  and  called  it  Florida. 

ILrrcra. 

:  - 1  o,        VASCO  NUNEZ,  a  Spaniard,  travelled 
acrofs   the  iflhmus  of  D'aricn^  and  from  a 
mountain,  difcovered  on  the  other  fide   of 
the  cor,rinontanC^rt?z,which.from  the  direc 
tion 


ADVENTURES  AND  DISCOVERIES.         33 

lion  in  which  he  faw  it}  took  the  name  of  the 
South  Sea.  Robertfon. 

1519  HERNANDO  CORTEZ,  in  the  fer- 
vicc  of  Spain,  entered  the  city  of  Mexico ; 
and  in  the  fpace  of  two  years  reduced  the 
whole  country  under  the  dominion    of  the 
King  of  Spain.  ibid. 

1520  FERDINAND  DE  MAGELLANES, 
a  Portuguefe,  in  the  fervice  of  Spain,  paffed 
through  the  ftrait  which  bears  his  name,  and 

x  failed  acrofs  the  South  Sea,  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  Pacific.  He  difcovered  the 
Philippine  iflands,  and  was  there  killed  in  a 
fkirmifh  with  the  natives.  The  fhip,  un 
der  the  command  of  SEBASTIAN  DEL 
CANO,  returned  to  Spain  by  way  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  thus  performed 
the  firft  circumnavigation  of  the  Globe. 
Life  of  Magellanes. 

1524  JOHN  DE  VERAZZANI,  a  Floren 
tine,  in  the    fervice  of   FRANCIS  I,    King 
of  France,  difcovered  the   new  continent 
in  lat.  34°  N.  failed  northward  to  lat.  41°, 
where  he  entered  a  harbour,  which    by  his 
defcription   mutt    be   that   of  New-York. 
Thence  he  failed  E.   and  N.  E.  as  far  as 
Newfoundland  ;  and  called  the  whole  coun 
try  New- France.  Hakluyt. 

1525  STEPHEN  GOMEZ,,  in   the    fervice 
of  Spain,  failed  to  Florida,  and.  thence  to 

C  Cape 


34  A  CHRONOLOGICAL  DETAIL  OF 

Cape  Race  in  lat.  46°  N.  in  fearch  of  a 
N.  W.  paffage  to  India.  Herrera. 

1526  FRANCIS  PIZARRO,  failed  from 
Panama  to  Peru  and  began  the  conqueft 
of  that  rich  and  populous  country. 

Pure  has. 

1528  PAMPHILO  DE  NARVAEZ,  in  the 
fervice  of  Spain,  failed  from  Cuba  with 
400  men  to  conquer  Florida.  His  purpofe 
was  defeated  by  a  temped,  in  which  he  was 
wrecked  on  the  coaft.  Herrera.  Purchas. 
1534  JAMES  CARTIER,  in  the  fervice  of 
France,  difcovered  and  named  the  Bay  de 
Chaleur  and  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 

Hakluyt. 

*535         CARTIER  made  a  fecond  voyage,  dif 
covered  the  Great  River  of  Canada,   and 
failed  up   as  far   as    Hochelaga,  which  he 
named  Montreal.   He  wintered  in  a  little  har 
bour  near  the  weft  end  of  the  ifle  of  Orleans, 
1536     which   he    called    Port  de  St.  Croix.     The 
next   fummer  he  returned  to  France,   car 
rying  foine  of  the  natives.  Hakluyt. 
1539          FERDINANDO   DE    SOTO     failed 
$3~    from   Cuba,   with   900    men,   to    conquer 
Florida.     He  traverfed  the  country  in  va. 

1542  rious  directions   for  three  years,  and   died 
on  the  banks  of  the   Mifliffipi.     The  fur- 

1543  viving  part  of  his  army  returned  to  Cuba. 

Herrera.  Purchas. 
1540 


ADVENTURES  and  DISCOVERIES.       135 

1540  C ARTIER   made  a  third    voyage    to 
Canada,  built  a  fort  and  began  a  fettle- 

1541  ment,  which  he  called  Charkburg,  4  leagues 
or       above  the  Port  de    St.  Croix.     He    broke 

1542  up  the  fettlement  and  failed  to  Newfound 
land.  Hakluyt. 

ROBERVALj  with  three  fhips  and  200 
perfons,  going  to  recruit  the  fettlement  in 
Canada,  met  Cartier  at  Newfoundland,  and 
would  have  obliged  him  to  return  ;  but  he 
gave  him  the  (lip  and  failed  for  France. 
ROBERVAL  proceeded  up  the  river  St. 
Lawrence  4  leagues  above  the  ifland  of 
Orleans,  where  he  found  a  convenient  har 
bour  and  place  for  a  fortification.  Here 
he  built  a  fort,  and  remained  over  the 
winter.  The  ( next  year  he  returned  to 
France  with  his  colony.  ibid. 

During  the  fucceeding  thirty  years  the 
paflion  for  difccwery  took  another  direction. 
Adventurers  from  Europe  were  feeking 
a  paffage  to  India  and  China  by  the  N.  E. 
but  were  prevented  from  accomplishing 
their  views,  by  the  cold  and  ice  of  thofe 
inhofpitable  regions.  Forjler. 

In  this  interval,  the  French  of  Brittany, 
the  Spaniards  of  Bifcay,  and  the  Portu- 
guefe,  enjoyed  the  fimery  on  the  banks  of 
Newfoundland,  without  interruption. 

Purchas. 
C  2  1562 


3&  A  CHRONOLOGICAL  DETAIL  or 

1562  Under  the  patronage  of  CHATILLON, 
High  Admiral  of  France,  JOHN  RI- 
BALT  attempted  a  fettlement  in  Florida. 
He  entered  a  rirer,  in  lat  32°,  on  the  firfl 
of  May  ;  which,  from  that  circumftance, 
he  named  the  River  May,  and  the  entrance 
he  called  Port  Royal.  Here  he  built  a 
fort,  which  in  honour  of  CHARLES  IX,  of 
France,  he  called  Fort  Charles.  After  his 
departure,  the  people  mutinied  and  return 
ed  to  France.  Hakluyt  and  Purchas. 

156*4  LAUDONIERE  renewed  the  fettle, 
rnent  and  called  the  country  Carolina,  after 
the  reigning  monarch  of  France.  This 
colony  was  on  good  terms  with  the  na 
tives  ;  but  fuffered  by  famine.  They  were 
relieved  by  Sir  JOHN  HAWKINS,  an  Eng- 
lifhman,  who  offered  to  carry  them  to 
France  ;  but  the  hope  of  finding  Jilver  in 
duced  them  to  ftay,  till  RIB  ALT  arrived 

1 565     with  feven  fail  of  veffels. 

PEDRO  MELENDES,  in  the  fervice 
of  Spain,  came  with  a  fuperior  force,  killed 
Ribalt  and  moft  of  his  company,  and  took 
poffeflion  of  the  country,  building  three 
forts.  ibid. 

1568  GOURGUES,  from  France,  with  the 
help  of  the  natives,  who  hated  the  Span 
iards,  broke  up  the  Spanifh  fettlements  in 
Florida,  and  returned  to  France,  leaving 
the  country  defart,  ibid. 

1576 


ADVENTURES  AND  DISCOVERIES.         37 

1576'  All  attempts  to  find  a  N.  E.  paflage  to 
India  being  frultrated,  MARTIN  FROB- 
ISHER,  in  the  iervice  of  ELIZABETH, 
Queen  of  England,  failed  in  fearch  of  a 
N.  W.  paffage. 

1577         He  made  a  fecorid  voyage. 

157$         He  made  a  third  voyage. 

Thefe  voyages  were  made  to  Greenland^ 
and  produced  no  material  difcovery.     He 
failed  through  a  ftrait  which  frill   bears  his 
name,  but  is  now  impaffable  by    reafon   of 
fixed  ice.  Hakluyt  and  Crantz. 

SIR  FRANCIS  DRAKE  being  on  a 
cruife  againft  the  Spaniards  in  the  South 
Sea,  landed  on  the  continent  of  America, 
northward  of  California^  took  pofieflion  of 
a  harbour,  and  called  the  circumjacent 
country  between  lat.  38°  and  42",  New- 
Albion.  Hakluyt. 

1579         SIR  HUMPHRY  GILBERT,   obtain- 
ed  of  QUEEN  ELIZABETH  a  patent  for  all 
$^£-    countries  not   pofTcfled    by    any    Chriftiam 
Prince.  Purchas. 

1583  GILBERT  failed  to  Newfoundland  ; 
took  formal  pofleflion  of  it  and  of  the  con 
tinent  of  North  America,  for  the  Crown  of 
England.  In  his  return  his  (hip  foun 
dered,  and  he  was  loft.  ibid. 

SIR    ADRIAN    GILBERT,    obtained 
of  QUEEN  ELIZABETH,  a  patent  for   the 

difcovery 


38  A  CHRONOLOGICAL    DETAIL  OF 

difcovery  of  a  N.  W.  paflage  ;  to  remain 
in  force  five  years.  Hakluyt. 

1584  SIR  WALTER  RALEIGH,*  obtained 
of  QUEEN  ELIZABETH,  a  patent  for  lands 
not  poifefied  by  any   Chrillian  Prince ;  by 
virtue  of  which  hefent  PHILIP  AMADAS 
and    ARTHUR  BARLOW  to  explore  the 
country  called  by  the  Spaniards  Florida. 

ibid. 

1585  Under    the     authority    of     GILBERT'S 
patent,  JOHN  DAVIS  failed   from   Eng 
land  in  fearch  of  a  N.  W.  pafiage. 

1586  He  made  a  fecond  voyage. 

1587  He  made  a  third  voyage. 

DAVIS  explored  the  weftern  coaft  of 
Greenland,  and  part  of  the  oppofite  coaft 
of  the  continent  of  America  ;  the  ftrait 
between  them  bears  his  name.  Pie  alfo 
difcovered  another  ftrait  which  he  called 
Cumberland.  Hakluyt. 

1585  SIR    WALTER     RALEIGH     fcnt      SIR 
RICHARD  GRENVILLE  to  Florida.  He 
landed  a  colony  of  100  people  at  Roanoak^ 
and  returned.  ibid. 

1586  SIR  FRANCIS  DRAKE  returning  from 
his  expedition  again  ft   the  Spaniards,  took 
the  colony  on  board  and    carried   them   to 
England.  ibid. 

*  See  life  of  John  Smith. 

SIR 


ADVENTURES  AND  DISCOVERIES.  39 

SIR  RICHARD  GRENVILLE  arriv 
ed  after  their  departure  and  landed  anoth 
er  fmaller  colony.  ibid. 

1587  Sir  WALTER  RALEIGH  fent  another 
company  under  the  command  of  JOHN 
WHITE,  to  colonize  the  country  which 
QUEEN  ELIZABETH  called  Virginia,  in 
honour  of  her  own  Virginity.  The  fecond 
colony  were  not  to  be  found.  One  hun 
dred  and  fifteen  perfons  were  landed  to 
make  a  third  colony,  and  the  governor 
returned  to  England  for  fupplies. 

Purchas. 

1590  GEORGE  WHITE  was  fent  to  Vir 
ginia,  but  finding  none  of  the  third  colony 
living,  returned  to  England.  ibid. 

1592  JUAN  DE  FUCA,  a  Greek,  in  the  fer- 
$3"    vice  of  Spain,  was  fent  by  the  Viceroy  of 

Mexico  to  difcover  a  N.  W.  paflage,  by  ex 
ploring  the  weftern  fide  of  the  American 
continent.  He  difcovered  a  ftrait  which 
bears  his  name  in  the  48th  degree  of  N. 
latitude,  and  fuppofed  it  to  be  the  long  de- 
fired  paflage.  Purchas. 

1593  HENRY  MAY,  an  Englifhman,  return 
ing  from  the  Eaft  Indies  in  a  French  fhip, 
was  wrecked  on  the   ifland    of   Bermuda, 
where  h£  found  fwine  ;  from  which  circum- 
ftance,  it  appeared,  thai  fome  other  veflTel 
had    been   there  before.      The    company 

C  4  built 


40  A  CHRONOLOGICAL  DETAIL  OF 

built  a  boat  of  cedar,  caulked  it,  and  payed 
the  feams  with  lime  mixed  with  turtles'  fat, 
and  failed  to  Newfoundland ;  whence  they 
got  a  paflage  to  England.  Hailuyt. 

1593         GEORGE  WEYMOUTH  failed  from 
or       England  to  difcover  a  N.  W.  palfagc.     He 
vifited  the  coaft  of  Labrador?  and  failed  30 
miles  up  an  inlet  in   the   latitude  of  56° ; 
but  made  no  material  difcovery. 

Forjler. 

DE  LA  ROCHE  obtained,  from  HEN 
RY  TV,  of  France,  a  commiflion  to  con 
quer  Canada,  and  other  countries  not  pof- 
feffed  by  any  Chriftian  Prince.  He  failed 
from  France  with  a  colony  of  convitfs  from 
the  prifons;  landed  40  on  the  iflc  of  Sable. 
After  feven  years,  the  furvivors,  being  12 
in  number,  were  taken  off,  and  carried 
home  to  France;  where  HENRY  pardoned 
them,  and  gave  them  50  crowns  each,  as 
a  recompenfc  for  their  fafferings, 

Purchas.     Forftcr. 

iooo  Q.  ELIZABETH  eftabliflied,  by  char 
ter,  a  company  of  merchants  in  England; 
with  an  cxclufive  privilege  of  trading  to 
the  Eaft  Indies.  Tablet  of  Memory. 

1602  BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLD,  an 
Englifhman,  difcovdred  a  promontory  on 
the  American  coaft,  in  lat.  42°,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  Cafe  Cod.  He  landed 
pn  an  ifland  which  he  called  Elizabeth,  and 

built 


ADVENTURES  AND  DISCOVERIES.         41 

built  a  fmall   fort ;    but  the  fame  fummer 
returned  to  England.  Purchas. 

DE  MONTS  obtained  of  HENRY  IV, 
of  France,  a  patent  for  the  planting  of 
L'Acadia  and  Canada,  from  lat.  40°  to  46°. 

ibid. 

SAMUEL  CHAMPLAIN  failed  up 
the  Great  River  of  Canada,  and  returned 
to  France  the  fame  year.  ibid. 

DE  MONTS  failed  from  France  taking 
CHAMPLAIN  and  CHAMPDORE  for  pilots, 
and  POURTRINCOURT  who  intended  a  fct- 
flement  in  America,  They  difcovered 
and  began  plantations  at  Pert  Royal,  St. 
John's  and  St.  Crcix,  in  the  Bay  of  Funda. 

POURTRINCOURT    introduced  two 
Jefuits  into  Port  Royal ;  but  fbirie  contro- 
verfy  arifing,  the  Jefuits  went  to  Mount  DC. 
Jart  and  began  a  rTlantation  there.          ibid. 
1605  '      GEORGE  WE YMOUTH  failed  on  a 
fecond  voyage  to  difcover  a  N.  W.  paf- 
fage ;    but   falling  fhort,  made   the   land  in 
41°  30';    thence  failed  to  43°  20',  and  dif 
covered  a  great  river  fuppofed  to  be  either 
Kencbcck  or  Penobfcot  ;  took  on  board  five  of 
the  natives  and  returned  to  England.     He 
put  in  at  Plymouth ;    and  delivered  three 
0,3°     of  them   to   Sir    FERDIKANDO    GORGES, 

then  Governour  of  Plymouth.         Gorges. 
*6o6         JAMES  I,  King  of  England,  by  patent, 
divided  Virginia  into   two  ,dinri6ts.   called 

North 


42  A  CHRONOLOGICAL  DETAIL  OF 

North  and  South  Virginia.  The  fouthern 
part,  fituate  between  34°  and  41°,  he  grant 
ed  to  a  London  Company ;  the  northern 
part,  fituate  between  38°  and  45°,  he  grant 
ed  to  a  Plymouth  Company.  Neither  of 
them  were  to  plant  within  100  miles  of  the 
other.  Purchas. 

1607  CHAMPLAIN,by  order  of  DE  MONTS, 
failed  up  the  River  of  Canada  and  fortified 
Quebec,  the  name  of  a  ftrait  in  the  river. 

ibid. 

HENRY  HUDSON,  in  the  fervice  of 
the  Englifh  Eaft  India  Company,  failed  in 
queft  of  a  N.  W.  paffage.  He  attempted 
to  pafs  to  the  E.  of  Greenland,  anddifcov- 
ered  Sfitzbergen.  He  failed  as  far  N.  as 
82°;  but,  finding  the  fea  obftru£ted  by  ice, 
returned.  Forjler. 

CHRISTOPHER  NEWPORT  failed 
to  South  Virginia,  and  began  a  colony  at 
Jamestown.  EDWARD  WINGFIELD  was 
Prefident,  but  JOHN  SMITH  wasthe  life 
and  foul  of  the  colony.  Smith.  Purchas. 

GEORGE  POPHAM*  failed  to  North 
Virginia  and  began  a  plantation  at  Sagada- 
hock)  of  which  he  was  Prefident.  In  the 
winter,  the  mips  returned  to  England,  leav 
ing  45  perfons  behind.  Their  Prefident 

1608  dying,  the  next  fpring  they  broke  up  the 

plantation 
*  See  the  Life  of  F.  Gorges. 


ADVENTURES  AND  DISCOVERIES.          43 

plantation  and  went  back  to  England.  This 
winter  was  remarkably  fevere  both  in  Ame 
rica  and  England.  Purchas. 

1608  HUDSON,  in  the  fervice  of  the  Englifh 
Eaft  India  Company,  undertook  a  fecond 
voyage  of  difcovery,  and  attempted  to  pafs 
on  both  fides  of  Nova  Zembla  ;  but  the  ice 
being  impenetrable,  he  returned. 

Purchas. 

NELSON    reinforced    the    colony    of 
South  Virginia  with  120  people.          ibid. 

1609  CHAMPLAIN  returned  to  France,  leav 
ing  Capt.  PIERRE  to  command  at  Quebec. 

ibid. 

HUDSON,  in  the  fervice  of  the  DUTCH, 
made  a  third  voyage,  and  difcovered  the 
river  which  bears  his  name  in  lat.  41°. 
$p-  SIR  GEORGE  SOMERSbound  to  South 
Virginia,  was  wrecked  on  Bermuda,  whence 
thofe  iflands  took  the  name  Somer  I/lands. 

Smith.     Purchas. 

1610          CHAMPLAIN    revifited    Quebec    and 
took  the  command  there.  Purchas. 

HUDSON,  in  the  fervice  of  the  Englifh 
Eaft  India  Company,  difcovered  the  ftrait 
and  bay  which  bear  his  name;  and  paffed 
the  winter  there,  intending  to  purfue  his 
difcoveries  in  the  enfuing  fpring;  but  his 
crew  mutinied  and  turned  him  adrift  in  his 
boat  with  feven  others,  who  were  never 
more  heard  of.  Purchas.  Campbell. 

SIR 


44  A  CHRONOLOGICAL  DETAIL  OF 

1610  SIR  GEORGE  SOMKRS  having  built  a 
pinnace  at  Bermuda,  failed  to  South  Vir 
ginia  ;  the  colony  determined  to  return  to 
England ;  but,  in  failing  down  James'  Riv 
er,  met  Lord  DELAWARE  with  a  reinforce 
ment,  by  which  they  were  encouraged   to 
return  and  refume  the  plantation.     Purchas. 

JOHN  GUY  with  a  company  of  40  per- 
fons  began  a  colony  at  the  bay  of  Conception^ 
in  Newfoundland.  ibid. 

1611  SIR   THOMAS   DALE  reinforced  the 
§£3"    colony  of  South  Virgina  with  300  people ; 

and  Sir  THOMAS  GATES  with  300  more, 
fu  miming  them  with  cattle  and  fwine  ;  and 
thus  that  colony  was  eftablifhed.  ibid. 

1612  The  colony  at  Newfoundland  was  aug 
mented  to  60  perfons ;    but  was  for  many 
years  in  a  very  precarious  ftate.     Mr.  GUY 
returned  to   England,  and   was    afterward 
Mayor  of  Briftol.      Purchas.     Oldmixon. 

The  South  Virginia  Company  having  fold 
the  ifiands  of  Bermuda  to  a  part  of  their  own 
number,  they  obtained  a  diftincl  charter, 
and  fcnt  a  colony  of  go  perfons  thither  ; 
their  rirft  governor  was  RICHARD  MOOR. 

Pwchai. 

1613  The  colony  at  Bermuda  was  enlarged  by 
the  addition  of  400  perfons.  ibid. 

SIR    THOMAS    DALE,   Governor  of 
Virginia,  hearing  that  the  French  had  fet 
tled 


ADVENTURES  AND  DISCOVERIES.         45 

tied  within  the  limits  of  the  northern  patent, 
fent  Sir  SAMUEL  ARGAL L  with  a  fufficient 
force  to  diflodge  them ;  which  he  did,  from 
Mount  Manfel  (Dcfart)  St.  Croix  and  Port 
Royal  in  the  Bay  of  Funda.  Thefe  French 
men  retired  to  Quebec  and  ftrcngthened 
the  fettlement  there.  Smith.  Purchas.  Keith. 

1614  CAPT.  JOHN  SMITH  having  quitted 
§3-     the    colony  of  South  Virginia,    failed  for 

North  Virginia,  on  a  fiihing  and  whaling 
voyage ;  he  ranged  the  coait  from  Pcnob- 
fcot  to  Cape  Cod ;  and  made  a  map  of  the 
country,  which  he  firft  called  New  England. 

Smith. 

1615  ROBERT   BYLOT  and  WILLIAM 
BAFFIN  failed  from  England  in  fearch  of 
a    N.  W.    palfage. 

1616  They  made  another  voyage,  and  difcov- 
ered  the   great  northern  bay  which  bears 
BAFFIN'S  name.  Purchas.     Forjler. 

1617  During  this  and  the  two  preceding  years, 
war,  famine,  and  peftilence,  raged  among 

T  the  natives  of  New  England,  by  which  great 
numbers  were  fwept  off ;  and  the  fur  trade 
between  them  and  the  Europeans  was  inter 
rupted.  Gorges. 
1619  THOMAS  DERMER*  failed  to  New 
England ;  found  many  places,  before  popu 
lous,  almoft  defolate,  and  the  few  remaining 

inhabitants 
/ 
«  See  the  life  rfF,  Gorges, 


46         A  CHRONOLOGICAL  DETAIL,  &?£. 

inhabitants  either  fick  or  but  fcarcely  recov 
ered.  In  this  voyage  he  failed  through 
the  whole  pafTage  between  the  main  land 
and  Long  Ifland  and  firit  determined  its 
in/ular  (ituation.  Gorges. 

1620         A    Company    of   ENGLISH    PURI- 
grf-    TANS*,  who  had  refided  twelve  years-  in 
Holland,  began  a  colony  in  New  England* 
which  they  called  New  Plymouth.       Morton. 
KING  JAMES  It,  eftablifhed  at  Ply. 
mouth9  in  Devonfhire,  a   Council,  for  the 
planting,  ruling  and  ordering  of  New  Eng 
land  ;  and  thus  the  bufmefs  of  colonizatiofi 
was  formed  into  a  fyftem.  Gorges. 

*  See  life  of  W.Bradford. 
t  See  life  of  F.  Gorges. 


AMERICAN 


AMERICAN  BIOGRAPHY. 


I.      B  I  R  O  N. 

1  HE  ancient  inhabitants  of  Norway 
and  Denmark,  collectively  taken,  were  diftin- 
guifhed  by  the  name  of  NORMANS.     Their 
fituation  near  the  coaft  of  the  fea,  and  the  ad 
vantages     which   that   element  prefented   to 
them  beyond  all  which  they   could   expect, 
from  a  rough  foil,  in  a  cold  climate,  led  them 
at  an  early  period  to  the  fcience   and   practice 
of  navigation.     They  built  their  veflels    with 
the  beft  of  oak,  and  conftructed  them  in  fuch 
a  manner  as  to  encounter  the  ftorms  and  bil 
lows  of  the  northern   ocean.     They   covered 
them  with   decks  and  furnimed  them  with 
high   forecaftles  and  fterns.     They  made  ufc 
of  fails  as   well  as  oars,   and  had  learned   to 

trim 


48  B    I    R    O     N. 

trim  their  fail*  to  the  wind,  in  aimed  any  di 
rection.  In  thefe  arts,  of  building  mips  and 
of  navigation,  they  were  fuperior  to  the  peo 
ple  bordering  on  the  Mediterranean  fea,  who 
depended  chiefly  on  their  oars,  and  ufed  fails 
only  with  a  fair  wind. 

About  the  end  of  the  eighth  and  beginning 
of  the  ninth  century,  the  Normans  made 
themfelves  famous  by  their  predatory  excur- 
fions.  England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  the  Ork 
ney  and  Shetland  iflands,  were  objects  of  their 
depredations  ;  and,  in  one  of  their  piratical 
expeditions,  (A.D.  86 1)  they  difcovered  an 
illand,  which  from  its  lofty  mountains,  covr 
cred  with  ice  and  fnow,  obtained  the  name  of 
Iceland.  In  a  few  years  after  they  planted 
a  colony  there,  which  was  continually  aug 
mented  by  migrations  from  the  neighbouring 
countries.  Within  the  fpace  of  thirty  years 
(889)  a  new  country,  fituate  on  the  weft,  was 
discovered,  and  from  its  verdure  during  the 
fummer  months  received  the  name  of 
Greenland.  This  was  deemed  fo  import 
ant  an  acquifition,  that,  under  the  conduct 
ofERic  RAUDE,  or  REDHEAD,  a  Danifh 
thief,  it  was  foon  peopled. 

The  emigrants    to  thefe   new  regions  were 
ftill  inflamed  with    the  paflion  for  adventure 

and 


B     I     R     O     N.  49 

and  difcovery.  An  Icelander  of  ths  name 
HERIOLF  and  his  ion  BIRON*  made  a  voyage 
every  year  to  different  countries,  for  the  fake 
of  traffic.  About  the  beginning  of  the  elev 
enth  century  (1001)  their  mips  were  feparat-r 
ed  by  a  florin.  When  Biron  arrived  in  Nor 
way,  he  heard  that  his  father  was  gone  to 
Greenland,  and  he  refolved  to  follow  him ; 
but  another  florm  drove  him  to  the  J 'out lbw '<?/?, 
where  he  difcovered  a  flat  country,  free  from 
rocks,  but  covered  with  thick  woods  -3  and  an 
ifland  near  the  coafL 

He  made  no  longer  flay  at  either  of  thefe 
places  than  till  the  ftorm  abated  ;  when  by  a 
northeaft  courfe  he  hailed  to  Greenland.  The 
difcovery  v/as  no  fooner  known  there,  than 
LEIF  the  fon  of  Eric,  who,  like  his  father, 
had  a  flrong  defire  to  acquire  glory  by  adven 
tures,  equipped  a  veflel,  canying  twenty  five 
men  ;  and,  taking  Biron  for  his  pilot,  failed 
(1002)  in  fearch  of  the  new  country. 

His  courfe  was  fouthweil.  On  the  firffc 
land  which  he  faw,  he  found  nothing  but  flat 
rocks  and  ice,  without  any  verdure.  He  there 
fore  gave  it  the  name  of  Hdleland,  which  Sig 
nifies 

*  His  name  is  fpelled  by  different  authors    BIRON,    B  i  o  K  :;„ 
BIOE  RN,  an4  B  JAE  RN. 

D 


5d  BIRO     N. 

nifies  rocky.  Afterward  he  catne  to  a  level 
fhore,  without  any  rocks,  but  overgrown  with 
woods,  and  the  fand  was  remarkably  white ^ 
This  he  named  Markland,  or  woody.  Two 
days  after,  he  faw  land  again,  and  an  idand  ly 
ing  before  the  northern  coaft'of  it.  Here  he 
tirft  landed ;  and  thence  failing  weftward, 
round  a  point  of  land,  found  a  creek  or  river 
into  which  the  fhip  entered. 

Oh  the  banks  cf  this  river,  were  bufhes 
bearing  fvveet  berries  ;  the  air  was  mild,  the 
foil  fertile,  and  the  river  well  flored  with  rim, 
among  which  were  very  fine  falmon.  At  the 
head  of  this  river  was  a  lake,  on  the  more  of 
which  they  relblved  to  pafs  the  winter,  and 
creeled  huts  for  their  accommodation.  One 
of  their  company,  a  German  named  Tyrker, 
having  draggled  into  the  woods,  found  grapes  ; 
from  which,  he  told  them  that  in  his  country, 
they  made  wine.  From  this  circumftance  Leif, 
the  commander  of  the  party,  called  the  place 
Winland  dat  gode,  the  good  wine  country. 

An  intercourfe  being  thus  opened  between 
Greenland  and  Winland,  feveral  voyages  were 
made,  and  the  new  country  was  further  ex 
plored.  Many  iflands  were  found  near  the 
coaft,  but  not  a  human  creature  was  feen  till 

the 


B     I     R     O     N.  5r 

the  third  fummer  (1004)  when  three  boats 
conftrucled  with  ribs  of  bone,  fattened  with 
thongs  or  twigs  and  covered  with  {kins,  each 
boat  containing  three  men,  made  their  appear 
ance.  From  the  diminutive  fize  of  thefe 
people  the  Normans  denominated  them  Skrce- 
lings*  and  inhumanly  killed  them  all  but 
one  ;  who  efcaped  and  collected  a  larger  num 
ber  of  his  countrymen,  to  make  an  attack  on 
their  invaders.  The  Normans  defended  their 
/hips  with  fo  much  fpirit,  that  the  afTailants 
were  obliged  to  retire. 

After  this,  a  colony  of  Normans  went  and 
fettled  at  Winland,  carrying  on  a  barter  trade 
with  the  Skraslings  for  furs ;  but  a  controver- 
iy  arofe  in  the  colony,  which  induced  fome 
to  return  to  Greenland.  The  others  difperfed 
and  mixed  with  the  Sk reelings. 

In  the  next  century  (1121)  Eric,  Bimop 
of  Greenland,  went  to  Winland,  with  a  bene 
volent  clefign  to  recover  and  convert  his  coun 
trymen  who  had  degenerated  into  favages. 
This  prelate  never  returned  to  Greenland ; 
nor  was  any  thing  more  heard  of  Winland, 
for  feveral  centuries. 

This 

*  Cut  fticksj  chips^Dwarfs, 
D   2 


52  BIRO     N. 

This  account  of  the  difcovery  of  Winland 
is  taken  from   Pontoppidan's  hiftory  of  Nor 
way,  Crantz's  hiftory  of  Greenland,  and  a  late 
hiftory    of    northern  voyages    by   Dr.    John 
Reinhold  Forfter.       The   fads    are   faid    to 
have  been  collected  from  *'  a  great  number  of 
Icelandic   manufcripts    by  Thormond  Thor- 
foeus,  Adam  von  Bremen,  Arngrim  Jonas  and 
many  other   writers,  fo  that  it  is  hardly  poffi- 
ble  to  entertain  the  lead:  doubt  concerning  the 

o 

authenticity  of  the  relation." 

Pontoppidan  fays  that  "  they  could  fee  the 
fun  full  fix  hours  in  the  morteft  day ;"  but 
Crantz  tells  us  that  "  the  fun  rofe  on  the  mort- 
eft  day  at  eight  of  the  clock,"  and  Forfter 
that  "  the  fun  was  eight  hours  above  the  ho 
rizon,"  from  which  he  concludes,  that  Win- 
land  muft  be  found  in  the  49th  degree  of 
northern  latitude ;  and  from  its  being  in  a 
fouthwefterly  direction  from  Greenland,  he 
fuppofes  that  it  is  either  a  part  of  Newfound 
land  or  fome  place  on  the  northern  coaft  of 
the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence;  but  whether  grapes 
are  found  in  either  of  thofe  countries  he  cannot 
fay.  However,  he  feems  fo  fully  perfuaded 
of  the  facts,  that  he  gives  it  as  his  opinion, 
that  the  Normans  were,  ftrictly  fpeaking,  the 

firft 


B    I    R     O     N.  $j 

firfr,  difcoverers  of  America,  nearly  five  centu 
ries  before  Columbus. 

From  a  careful  perufal  of  the  firfr.  accounts 
of  Newfoundland,  preferred  by  thofe  painful 
collectors  Hakluyt  and  Purchas,  and  of  other 
memoirs  reflecting  that  iiland  and  the  coaft 
of  Labrador;  and.  from  infpecting  the  moft 
approved  maps  of  thofe  regions,  particularly 
one,  in  the  American  Atlas,  delineated  agreea 
bly  to  the  actual  furveys  of  the  late  celebrated 
navigator  Capt.  James  Cook,  the  following 
obfervations  occur. 

On  theN.  E.  part  of  Newfoundland,  which 
is  moil  directly  acceffible  from  Greenland, 
there  is  a  long  range  of  coaft,  in  which  are 
two  bays,  the  one  called  Gander  Bay,  and  the 
other  the  Bay  of  Exploits.  Before  the  mouth 
of  the  former,  among  many  fmaller,  there  lies 
one  large  iiland  called  Fogo  ;  and  before  the 
mouth  of  the  latter,  another,  called  The  New 
World.  Either  of  thefe  will  fufficiently  an- 
fwer  to  the  iituation  defcribed  in  the  account 
of  Biron's  fecond  voyage.  Into  each  of  thefe 
bays,  runs  a  river,  which  has  its  head  in  a 
lake,  and  both  thefe  lakes  lie  in  the  49th  de 
gree  of  north  latitude. 

The  earlieft  accounts  of  Newfoundland  after 
its  difcovery  and  the  eftablifhrnent  of  a  fifhery 
D  3  on 


54  B     I     R     O     N. 

on  its  coafts,  have  refpecl  chiefly  to  the  lands 
about  Trinity  and  Conception  bays,  between 
the  parallels  of  48°  and  49°.  Thefe  lands  are 
reprefented  as  producing  ftrawberries,  whortle 
berries,  rafpberries,  goofeberries,  pears,  wild 
idierries,  and  hazle  nuts,  in  very  great  plenty. 
The  rivers  are  faid  to  have  been  well  ftored 
with  falmon  and  trouts.  The  natives,  who 
inhabited  a  bay  lying  to  the  northward  of 
Trinity  and  came  occafionally  thither  in  their 
canoes,  are  defcribed  as  broad  breafted  and 
upright,  with  black  eyes,  and  without 
beards  5  the  hair  on  their  heads  was  of  dif 
ferent  colours  ;  fome  had  black,  fome  broivn 
and  others  yellow.  In  this  variety  they  dif 
fered  from  the  other  favages  of  North  Ame 
rica,  who  have  uniformly  black  hair,  un- 
lefs  it  be  grown  grey  with  age. 

The  climate  is  reprefented  as  more  mild  in 
the  winter  than  that  of  England  ;  but  much 
colder  in  the  fpring,  by  reafon  of  the  vaft 
iilands  of  ice  which  are  driven  into  the  bays 
or  grounded  on  the  banks. 

On  the  north  eaftern  coaft  of  Labrador, 
between  the  latitudes  of  53°  and  56°,  are  ma 
ny  excellent  harbours  and  iflands.  The  feas 
are  full  of  cod,  the  rivers  abound  with  falmon  ; 

and 


B     I     R     O     N.  55 

and  the  climate  is  laid  to  be  more  mild   than 
in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 

Nothing  is  faid  in  any  of  thefe  accounts  of 
vines  or  grapes,  excepting  that  fome  which 
were  brought  from  England  had  thriven  well. 
If  any  evidence  can  be  drawn  from  a  compan 
ion  between  the  countries  of  Newfoundland' 
and  New-England  it  may  be  obferved  ; 
that  all  the  above  mentioned  fruits  and  berries 
are  found  in  the  northern  and  eaftern  parts  of 
New-England  as  far  as  Nova  Scotia,  in  the 
latitudes  of  44°  a.nd  45°  -,  and  that  grapes, 
(vitis  vulpina,  vitis  labrufca)  are  known  to 
grow  wherever  thefe  fruits  are  found, 

Du  Monts  in  his  voyage  to  Acadia,  in 
1608,  fpeaks  of  grapes  in  feveral  places  ;  and 
they  were  in  fuch  plenty  on  the  ifle  of  Orleans 
in  lat.  47°  that  it  was  firft  called  the  ifland  of 
Bacchus.*  Though  there  is  no  direct  and  pof- 
itive  teftimony  of  grapes  in  the  ifland  of  New 
foundland,  it  is  by  no  means  to  be  concluded 
that  there  were  none.  Nor  is  it  improbable 
that  grapes,  though  once  found  there,  might 
have  been  fo  fcarce,  as  not  to  merit  notice,  in 
fuch  general  defcriptions,  as  were  given  by 
the  firft  Englim  adventurers.  The 

*  Itisalfo  faid  that  Mr.  Ellis  met  with  the  vine  about  the 
Englifti  fettlement?  at  Hudfon's  Bay  ;  and  compares  the  fruit  of 
it  to  the  currants  of  the  Levant.  Morfe's  Un.  Qeo.  vol.  i,  i>.  64. 


$6  B     I    R     O     N. 

The  diftance  between  Greenland  and  New 
foundland  is  not  greater  than  between  Iceland 
and  Norway ;  and  there  could  be  no  more 
difficulty  in  navigating  the  weftern  than  the 
eaftern  parts  of  the  northern  Ocean,  with  fuch 
veffels  as  were  then  in  ufe,  and  by  fuch  fea- 
men  as  the  Normans  are  faid  to  have  been  ; 
though  they  knew  nothing  of  the  magnetic 
needle^ 

Upon  the  whole,  though  we  can  come  to 
no  pofitive  conclufion  in  a  queftion  of  fuch 
remote  antiquity  ;  yet  there  are  many  cir- 
cum.ftanc.es  to  confirm,  and  none  to  difprove 
the  relation  given,  of  the  voyages  of  Biron.* 
But  if  it  be  allowed  that  he  is  entitled  to  the 
honour  of  having  difcovcred  America  before 
Columbus,  yet  this  difcovery  cannot  in  the 
lead  detraft  from  the  merit  of  that  cele 
brated  navigator.  For  there  is  no  reafon  to 
fuppofe  that  Columbus  had  any  knowledge 
of  the  Norman  difcoveries  ;  which  long  be 
fore  his  time  were  forgotten,  and  would  per 
haps  never  have  been  recolle&ed,  if  he  had 

4 

not, 

*  At  my  requeft,  Governor  WE  NT  WORTH,  of  Nova  Scotia, 
has  employed  a  proper  perfon,  to  make  inquiry  into  any  veftiges 
of  this  ancient  colony,  which  may  yet  be  fubfifiing.  I  am  forry 
that  the  refult  could  not  be  had,  before  the  publication  of  thir 
Volume  ;  but  when  it  comes  to  hand,  it  fliall  be  communicated. 


B    I    R    O    N.  57 

Hot,  by  the  aftoniming  exertions  of  his  genius 
and  his  perfevering  induftry,  effected  a  dif- 
covery  of  this  continent,  in  a  climate  more 
friendly  to  -the  views  of  commercial  adven 
turers. 

Even  Greenland  itfelf,  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  was  known  to  the  Danes  and  Nor 
mans  only  by  the  name  of  loft  Greenland  ; 
and  they  did  not  recover  their  knowledge  of 
it,  till  after  the  Englim  had  afcertained  its 
exigence  by  their  voyages  to  difcover  a  N.  W. 
pafiage  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  the  Dutch 
hadcoafted  it  in  purfuit  of  whales. 


II.     M  A  D  O  C. 


II.     M  A  D  O  C. 

JL  HIS  perfon  is  fuppofed  to  have  difcov- 
cred  America,  and  brought  a  colony  of  his 
countrymen  hither,  before  the  difcovery  made 
by  Columbus.  The  ftory  of  his  emigration 
from  Wales  is  thus  related  by  Hakluyt,  whofe 
book  was  firft  publifhed  in  1589  ;  and  a  fec- 
ond  edition  of  it  in  1600. 

"  The  voyage  of  Madoc,  the  fon  of  Owen 
Gwynneth,  Prince  of  North  Wales,  to  the 
Weft  Indies  in  the  year  1 170  ;  taken  out  of 
the  hiftory  of  Wales  lately  published  by  M. 
David  Powel  Doftor  of  Divinitie." 

"  After  the  death  of  Owen  Gwynneth,  his 
fons  fell  at  debate  who  fhould  inherit  after 
him.  For  the  eldeft  fon  born  in  matrimony 
Edward  or  lorweth  Drwydion  was  counted 
unmeet  to  govern,  becaufe  of  the  maime  upon 
his  face  -,  and  Howel,  that  took  upon  him 
all  the  rule,  was  a  bafe  fon  begotten  of  an  Irifh 
woman.  Therefore  David  gathered  all  the 
power  he  could  and  came  againft  Howel,  and 
fighting  with  him,  flew  him;  and  afterward 
enjoyed  quietly  the  whole  land  of  North 


M     A     D     O     C.  59 

Wales,  until  his  brother  lorweth's  fon  came 
to  age, 

"MADOC,  another  of  Owen  Gwynneth 
his  fons  left  the  land  in  contention  between 
his  brethren  and  prepared  certain  {hips  with 
men  and  munition,  and  fought  adventures 
by  fea,  failing  ivejt,  and  leaving  the  coaft  of 
Ireland  fo  far  north  that  he  came  to  a  land 
unknown,  where  he  faw  many  ftrange  things. 

"  This  land  muft  needs  be  fome  part  of 
that  country  of  which  the  Spaniards  affirm 
themfelves  to  be  the  firft  finders,  fince  Han- 
no's  time.  [*  For  by  reafon  and  order  of  cof- 
mographie,  this  land  to  the  which  Madoc 
came,  muft  needs  be  fome  part  of  Nova  Hif- 
pania  or  Florida.]  Whereupon  it  is  manifeft 
that  that  country  was  long  [before]  by  Brit- 
tains  difcovered,  afore  [either]  Columbus 
[or  Americus  Vefputius]  led  any  Spaniards 
thither. 

"  Of  the  voyage  and  return  of  that  Madoc 
there  be  many  fables  feigned,  as  the  common 
people  do  u,fe,  in  diftance  of  place  and  length 
of  time,  rather  to  augment  than  diminim,  but 
fare  it  is  that  there  he  was.  And  after  he  had 
returned  home  and  declared  the  pleafant  and 

fruitful 

*  The  words  included  in  crotchets  [  ]  are  omitted  in  the  fecond 
edition  of  Hakluyt's  voyages. 


60  M     A     D     O     C. 

fruitful  countries  that  he  had  feen  'without  in* 
habitants  ;  and  upon  the  contrary  part,  for 
what  wild  and  barren  ground  his  brethren  and 
nephews  did  murther  one  another,  he  prepar 
ed  a  number  of  mips  and  got  with  him  fuch 
men  and  women  as  were  defirous  to  live  in 
quietnefs ;  and  taking  leave  of  his  friends, 
took  his  journey  thitherwards  again. 

"  Therefore  it  is  to  be  prefuppofed,  that  he 
and  his  people  inhabited  part  of  thofe  coun 
tries  ;  for  it  appeareth,  by  Francis  Lopez  de 
Gomara,  that  in  Acuzamil,  and  other  places, 
the  people  honoured  the  crofs.  Whereby  it 
may  be  gathered,  that  Chriftians  had  been 
there  before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards. 
But  becaufe  this  people  were  not  many,  they 
followed  the  manners  of  the  land  they  came 
to,  and  ufed  the  language  they  found  there. 

"  This  Madoc  arriving  in  that  \veflern 
country  unto  the  which  he  came  in  the  year 
1170,  left  moft  of  his  people  there,  and  re 
turning  back  for  more  of  his  own  nation,  ac 
quaintance  and  friends,  to  inhabit  that  fair  and 
large  country,  went  thither  again,  with  ten 
fails,  as  I  find  noted  by  Gutyn  Owen.  I  am 
of  opinion  that  the  land  whereto  he  came,  was 

fonie 


M     A     D     O     C.  61 

fome  part  of   [Mexico  ;*   the   caufes  which 
make  me  think  fo  be  thcfe. 

"  i.  The  common  report  of  the  inhabit 
ants  of  that  country,  which  affirm  that  their 
rulers  defcended  from  a  flrange  nation,  that 
came  thither  from  a  far  country  j  which  thing 
is  confcfled  by  Mutezuma  King  of  that  coun 
try,  in  an  oration  made  for  quieting  of  his 
people  at  his  fubmimon  to  the  King  of  Caf- 
tile  -,  Hernando  Cortez  being  then  prefent, 
which  is  laid  down  in  the  Spanim  chronicles 
of  the  conqueft  of  the  Weft  Indies. 

"  2.  The  Britim  words  and  names  of 
places  ufed  in  that  country  even  to  this  day 
do  argue  the  fame  -3  as  when  they  talk  to 
gether,  they  ufe  the  word  Gwrando,  which  is 
hearken  or  liften.  Alfo  they  have  a  certain 
bird  with  a  white  head,  which  they  call 
penguin,  that  is  white  head.  But  the  ifland 
of  Corroefo,  the  river  of  Guyndor,  and  the 
white  rock  of  Penguyn,  which  be  all  Britifh 
or  Welch  words,  do  manifeftly  mew  that  it 
was  that  country,  which  Madoc  and  his  peo 
ple  inhabited."] 

'*  Carmina  Meredith  fihi  Rheft  mentionem 
facientia  de  Madoco  Jilio  Oweni  Givynnedd  et 

de 

In  the  fecond  Edition,  the  word  Mexico  is  changed  for  the 
Indies  ;  and  the  twp  following  paragraphs  are  omitted, 


62  M     A     D     O     C. 

de  fia  navigat/one  m  terras   incognitas.     Vixit 
bic  Meredith  circiter  annum  Domini  1477. 
Madoc  wyf,  mwyedie  wedd 
lawn  geneu,  Owen  Guynned 
Ni  fynnum  dir,  fy  enaid  oedd 
Na  da  mawr,  ond  y  moroedd. 
Thefe  verfes  I  received  of  my  learned  friend, 
M.  William  Camden. 

'The  fame  in  Englifh. 

"  Madoc  I  am  the  fon  of  Owen  Gwynnedd, 
With  ftature  large  and  comely  grace  adorned. 
No  lands  at  home,  nor  flore  of  wealth  mepleafe, 
My  mind  was  whole  to  fearch  the  Ocean  feas." 
In  this  extract  from  Hakluyt  is  contained 
all  the  original  information  which  I  have  been 
able  to  find  refpefting  the  fuppofed  difcovery 
of  America  by  the  Welch.  The  account 
itfelf  is  confufed  and  contradictory.  The 
Country  difcovered  by  Madoc  is  faid  to  be 
"  without  inhabitants  ;"  and  yet  the  people 
whom  he  carried  thither  "  followed  the  man 
ners  of  the  land,  and  ufed  the  language  they 
found  there."  Though  the  Welch  emigrants 
loft  their  language,  yet  the  author  attempts  to 
prove  the  truth  of  his  ftory  by  the  preferva- 
tion  of  Icveral  Welch  words  in  the  American 
tongues.  Amorfg  thefe  he  is  unfortunate  in 


M    A    D     O    C.  63 

the  choice  of  "  penguin  a  bird  with  a  white 
head ;"  all  the  birds  of  that  name  on  the 
American  fhores  having  black  or  dark  brown 
heads,  and  the  name  penguin  is  faid  to  have 
been  originally  pinguedmey  from  their  exceftive 
fatnefs.* 

Among  the  proofs  which  fome  late  writers 
have  adduced  in  fupport  of  the  difcovery  of 
America  by  Madoc  is  this,  that  a  language 
refembling  the  Welch  was  fpoken  by  a  tribe 
of  Indians  in  North-Carolina,  and  that  it  is 
flill  ufed  by  a  nation  fituate  on  fome  of  the 
weftern  waters  of  the  Miffifippi.  If  that 
part  of  the  account  preferved  by  Hakluyt  be 
true,  that  the  language  was  loft,  it  is  vain  to 
offer  an  argument  of  this  kind  in  fupport 
of  the  truth  of  the  ftory  ;  but  a  queftion  may 
here  arife,  How  could  any  report  of  the  lofs 
of  their  language  have  been  tranfmitted  to 
Europe  at  fo  early  a  period  ? 

An  attempt  has  lately  been  made  to  afcer- 
tain  the  truth  of  this  piece  of  hiftory  by  Dr. 
John  Williams.  I  have  not  feen  the  book 
itfelf,  but  if  the  Critical  Reviewers  may  be 
credited,-)-  no  new  facts  have  been  adduced. 

It 

See  the  new  Encyclopedia,  under  the  article  AMERICA. 
}  Critical  Review  for  1791,  page  357. 


64  M     A     D     O     C. 

It  is  remarked  by  them,  that  "if  Madoc  once 
reached  America,  it  is  difficult  to  explain  how 
he  could  return  home,  and  it  would  be  more 
improbable  that  he  fhould  arrive  in  America 
a  fecond  time  j  of  which  there  is  not  the 
flighted  evidence."  They  alfo  obferve,  that 
"if  Madoc  failed  weftward  from  Wales,  the 
currents  would  rather  have  carried  him  to 
Nova  Scotia  than  to  the  fouthward." 

The  mentioning  of  Nova  Scotia  reminds 
me  of  ibme  words  in  the  native  language  of 
shat  country  which  begin  with  two  fyllables 
refembling  the  name  of  Madoc.*  A  fachem 
of  the  Penobfcot  tribe  who  lived  in  the  end 
of  the  laft  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  prefer^; 
century  bore  the  name  of  Madokaivando.  A 
village  on  ^enobfcot  river  was  called  Mada- 
•iuankee.  One  branch  of  the  river  St.  John 
which  runs  into  the  bay  of  Funda  is  Medoc- 
tack  and  another  is  Medocfccnccafis.  The  ad 
vocates  of  this  opinion  may  avail  themfelves 
as  far  as  they  can  of  this  coincidence,  but  in 
my  apprehenfion  it  is  too  precarious  to  be  the 
ball s  of  any  ju  ft  conclufion. 

After  all  that  has  been,  or   can  be  faid   on 
the  fubjed:,   we  muft  obferve  with  the  Criti 
cal 

*  See  C/les'  memoirs  of  his  Capij\ity  it:  1689. 


M     A     D     O     C.  65 

eal  Reviewers,  that,  "  if  Madoc  left  Wales 
and  difcovered  any  other  country  it  muft  al 
ways  remain  uncertain  where  that  country  is." 
Dr.  Robertfon  thinks,  if  he  made  any  difcovery 
at  all,  it  might  be  Madeira  or  one  of  the 
Azores.* 

The  book  of  Hakluyt,  in  which  the  original 
ftory  is  preferved,  was  written  in  the  reign  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  in  the  time  of  hercontro- 
verfy  with  Spain.  The  defign  of  his  bringing 
forward  the  voyage  of  Madoc  appears,  from  what 
hs  fays  of  Columbus,  to  have  been,  the  aflert- 
ing  of  a  difcovery  prior  to  his,  and  confe- 
quently  the  right  of  the  Crown  of  England 
to  the  fovereignty  of  America  ;  a  point  at 
that  time  warmly  contefted  between  the  two 
nations.  The  remarks  which  the  fame  au 
thor  makes  on  feveral  other  voyages,  evident 
ly  tend  to  the  eftablimment  of  that  claim. 
But  if  the  flory  of  Biron  be  true,  which 
(though  Hakluyt  has  faid  nothing  of  it)  is 
better  authenticated  than  this  of  Madoc,  the 
right  of  the  Crown  of  Denmark  is,  on  the 
principle  of  prior  difcovery,  fuperior  to  either 
of  them. 

Perhaps  the  whole  myftery  may  be  unveil 
ed,  if  we  advert  to  this  one  circumftance,  the 
E  time 

*  Hift.  Amer.  vol.  i,  p.  37^. 


66  M     A     D     O     C. 

time  when  Hakluyt's  book  was  firft  publifhecL 
National  prejudice  might  prevail  even  with 
fo  honeft  a  writer,  to  convert  a  Welch  fable 
into  a  political  argument,  to  fupport,  againft 
a  powerful  rival,  the  claim  of  his  fovereign 
to  the  dominion  of  this  continent. 


III.     Z  E  N 


III.       Z     E     N     O. 

IT  is  well  known  that  the  Venetians 
were  reckoned  among  the  moil  expert  and  ad 
venturous  of  the  maritime  nations.  In  that  re 
public,  the  family  of  ZENO  or  ZENI  is  not 
only  very  ancient,  and  of  high  rank  ;  but 
celebrated  for  illuflrious  achievements.  Nicolo 
Zeno,  having  exhibited  great  valour  in  a  war 
with  the  Genoefe,  conceived  an  ardent  defire, 
agreeably  to  the  genius  of  his  nation,  to  trav 
el  ;  that  he  might,  by  his  acquaintance  with 
foreign  nations  and  languages,  render  himfelf 
more  illuflrious  and  more  ufeful.  With  this 
view  he  equipped  a  veflel  at  his  own  expenfe, 
and  failed  through  the  ftraits  of  Gibraltar 
to  the  northward,  [A.D.  1380]  with  an  in 
tention  to  vifit  Britain  and  Flanders  ;  but  by 
a  fbrm  which  lafted  many  days,  he  was  caft 
away  on  the  coaft  of  Frifland. 

The  Prince  of  the  country  Zichmni  (or 
as  Purchas  fpells  it  Zichmui)  finding  Zeno 
an  expert  feaman,  gave  him  the  command  of 
his  fleet,  confifting  of  thirteen  vefTels,  of  which 
two  only  were  rowed  with  oars  ;  one  was  a 
(hip,  and  the  reft  were  fmall  barks.  With 
E  2  this 


6$  Z     E     N     (X 

this  fleet,  he  made  conquefts  and  depredations 
in  Ledovo  and  Ilofo  and  other  fmall  iilands  ; 
feveral  barks  laden  with  fi(h  being  a  part  of 
his  capture, 

Nicolo  wrote  to  his  brother  Antonio  Zeno 
at  Venice,  inviting  him  to  Frifland,  whither 
he  went,  and  being  taken  into  the  fervice  of 
Zichmni,  continued  with  him  fourteen  years. 
The  fleet  failed  on  an  expedition  to  Eftland, 
where  they  committed  great  ravages ;  but  hear 
ing  that  the  King  of  Norway  was  coming  againft 
them  with  a  fuperior  fleet,  they  departed  3  and 
were  driven  by  a  ftorm  on  fhoals,  where  part 
of  the  fleet  was  wrecked,and  the  reft  were  fav- 
ed  on  Grifland,  "a  great  ifland  but  not  inhab^ 
ited." 

Zichmni  then  determined  to  attack  Iceland, 
\vhich  belonged  to  the  King  of  Norway  ; 
but  finding  it  well  fortified  and  defended,  and 
his  fleet  being  diminifhed,  he  retired  and  built 
a  fort  in  Brefs,  one  of  feven  fmall  iflands, 
where  he  left  Nicolo  and  returned  to  Frifland. 

In  the  next  fpring  Zeno,  with  three  fmall 
barks,failed  to  the  northward  on  difcovery,  and 
arrived  at  JLngroenland  ;  where  he  found  a 
monaftery  of  Friars,  and  a  Church  dedicated 
to  St.  Thomas,  fituate  near  a  volcano,  and 

heated 


Z    E    N    (X  69 

heated  by  warm   fprings    flowing  from   the 
mountain. 

After  the  death  of  Nicolo,  which  happen 
ed  in  about  four  years,  Antonio  fucceeded  him, 
in  the  command  of  the  fleet  $  and  the  prince 
Zichmni,  aiming  at  the  fovereignty  of  the 
fea,  undertoook  an  expedition  ivejiivard,  be- 
caufe  that  fome  fi (her men  had  difcovered  rich 
and  populous  iflands  in  that  quarter. 

The  report  of  the  filherrnen  was,  that  above 
a  thoufand  miles  weftward  from  Frifland,  to 
which  difbnce  they  had  been  driven  by  a  tem 
ped,  there  was  an  ifland  call  Eftotiland,  which 
they  had  difcovered  twenty  fix  years  before  > 
that  fix  men  in  one  boat  were  driven  upon 
the  ifland,  and  being  taken  by  the  inhabitants 
were  brought  into  a  fair  and  populous  city  ; 
that  the  King  of  the  place  fent  for  many  in 
terpreters,  but  none  was  found  who  could 
underftand  the  language  of  the  fimermen,  ex 
cept  one  who  could  fpeak  Latin,  and  he  had 
formerly  been  caft  afhore  on  the  ifiand  ;  that 
on  his  reporting  their  cafe  to  the  King,  he 
detained  them  five  years,  in  which  time 
they  learned  the  language  ;  that  one  of 
them  vifited  divers  parts  of  the  ifland,  and 
reported,  that  it  was  a  very  rich  .country, 
E  3  abounding 


7o  Z     E     N     O. 

abounding  with  all  the  commodities  of  tl 
world  ;  that  it  was  lefs  than  Iceland,  but  far 
more  fruitful,  having  in  the  middle  a  very 
high  mountain,  from  which  originated  four 
rivers. 

The  inhabitants  were  defcribed  as  very  in 
genious,  having  all  mechanic  arts.     They  had 
a  peculiar  kind  of  language   and   letters  ;  and 
in   the    King's   library   were  preferved  Latin 
books,  which  they  did  not  understand.     They 
had  all  kinds  of  metals   (but  efpecially  gold, 
with  which  they  mightily  abounded.*)  They 
held  traffic   with  the  people  of  Engroenland, 
from    whence  they  brought  furs,    pitch   and 
brimflone.      They   had  many    great   fbrefts, 
which    fupplied  them   with   timber   for   the 
building  of  mips,    houfes   and   fortifications. 
The  ufe  of  the  loadftone  was   not  known  ; 
but    thefe    fimermen    having    the     mariner's 
compafs,    were    held  in    fo   high    eftimation, 
that  the  King  fent  them  with  twelve  barks  to 
a  country  at    the   fouthward,   called   Droglo  • 
where  the   moft   of  them  were   killed    and 
devoured  by  cannibals ;  but  one  of  them  faved 
himfelf  by  mowing  the  favages  a  way  of  tak 
ing 

*  This  paflage  is  in  Hakkyt's  tranflation  and  the  abridgment 
ky  Ortelius  ;  but  Dr.  Forfter  could  not  find  it  in  the  Italian  original 
of  Rajnufio.  Northern  voyages,  p.  1 89. 


ZEN     O.  71 

ing  n(h  by  nets>  in  much  greater  plenty  than 
by  any  other  mode  before  known  among  them. 
This  nfherman  was  in  fo  great  demand 
with  the  princes  of  the  country,  that  they 
frequently  made  war  on  each  other  for  the 
fake  of  gaining  him.  In  this  manner  he  pafT- 
ed  from  one  to  another,  till  in  the  fpace  of 
thirteen  years,  he  had  lived  with  twenty  five 
different  princes ;  to  whom  he  communicated 
his  "  miraculous"  art  of  nlhing  with  nets. 

He  thus  became  acquainted  with  every  part 
of  the  country,  which  he  defcribed  to  be  fo 
extenlive  as  to  merit  the  name  of  a  new  world. 
The  people  were  rude  and  ignorant  of  the  ufe 
of  clothing,  though  their  climate  was  cold, 
and  afforded  beafts  for  the  chace.  In  their 
hunting  and  wars  they  ufed  the  bow  and  the 
lance  -t  but  they  knew  not  the  ufe  of  metal. 

Farther  to  the  fouthweft  the  air  was  faid 
to  be  more  temperate  and  the  people  more 
civil.  They  dwelt  in  cities*  built  temples, 
and  worshipped  idols  to  whom  they  offered 
human  victims ;  and  they  had  plenty  of  gold 
and  filver. 

The  fimerman   having  become   fully  ac 
quainted  with  the  country  meditated  a  return. 
Having  fled  through   the  woods    to  Drogio, 
E  4  after 


72  ZEN     O. 


after  three  years  fome  boats  arrived  from  Ef- 
totiiand  in  one  of  which  he  embarked  for 
that  country  ;  and  having  acquired  confidera- 
ble  property  he  fitted  out  a  bark  of  his  own 
and  returned  to  Frifland. 

Such  was  the  report  of  the  fimerman  •  up 
on  hearing  of  which  Zichmni  refolved  to 
equip  his  fleet  and  go  in  fearch  of  the  new 
country  ;  Antonio  Zeno  being  the  fecond  in 
command.  But  "the  preparation  for  the 
voyage  to  Eftotiland  was  begun  in  an  evil 
hour  ;  the  fimerman  who  was  to  have  been 
the  pilot  died  three  days  before  their  depar 
ture." 

However,  taking  certain  mariners  who  had 
failed  with  the  fifherman,  Zichmni  began  the 
intended  voyage.     When  he  had  failed  afmall 
diflance  to  the  weflward,  he  was  overtaken  by 
a  ftorm  which  lafted  eight  days,  at  the  end  of 
which  they  difcovered  land,  which  the  natives 
called  Icarw.     They  were  numerous  and  for 
midable  and  would  not   permit  him  to  come 
on  more.     From   this    place   they  failed    fix 
days  to  the  weflward  with  a  fair  wind  -f  but  a 
heavy  gale   from  the  fouthward  drove   them 
four  days  before  it,  when  they  difcovered  land, 
in  which  was  a  volcano.     The   air  was  mild 
and  temperate,  it  being  the  height  of  fummer. 

They 


ZENO.  73 

They  took  a  great  quantity  of  fifh,  of  fea  fowl 
and  their  eggs.  A  party  who  penetrated  the 
country  as  far  as  the  foot  of  the  volcano,  found 
a  fpring,  from  which  iffued  "a  certain  water, 
like  pitch,  which  ran  into  the  fea."  They 
difcovered  fome  of  the  inhabitants  who  were 
of  fmall  flature  and  wild  -,  and  who,  at  the 
approach  of  the  Grangers,  hid  themfelves  in 
their  caves.  Having  found  a  good  harbour; 
Zichmni  intended  to  make  a  fettlement;  but 
his  people  oppofing  it,  hedifmified  part  of  the 
fleet  under  Zeno  who  returned  to  Frifland. 

The  particulars  of  this  narrative  were  firft 
written  by  Antonio  Zeno,  in  letters  to  his 
brother  Carlo,  at  Venice  ;  from  fome  fragments 
of  which,  a  compilation  was  made  by  Fran- 
cifco  Marcolini,  and  preferved  by  Ramufio. 
It  was  tranilated  by  Richard  Hakluyt,  and 
printed  in  the  third  volume  of  the  fecond 
edition  of  his  colle&ions,  page  121,  &c. 
From  it  Ortelius  has  made  an  extract  in  his 
The  at  rum  or  bis. 

Dr.  Forfter  has  taken  much  pains  to  exam 
ine  the  whole  account,both  geographically  and 
hiftorically.  The  refult  of  his  inquiry  is,  that 
Frifland  is  one  of  the  Orkneys  -y  that  Porland 
is  the  clufter  of  iflands  called  Faro  ;  and  that 
Eftland  is  Shetland. 

At 


74  Z     E     N     a 

At  firft  indeed  he  was  of  opinion  that  "the 
countries  defcribed  by  the  Zenos  actually  ex- 
ifted  at  that  time,  but  had  fince  been  fwal- 
lowed  up  by  the  fea,  in  a  great  earthquake."* 
This  opinion  he  founded  on  the  probability 
that  all  the  high  iflands  in  the  middle  of  the 
fea  are  of  volcanic  original  $  as  is  evident  with 
refpecl  to  Iceland  and  the  Faro  iflands  in  the 
North  Sea  ;  the  Azores,  Tenerifte,  Madeira, 
the  Cape  de  Verds,  St.  Helena  and  Afceniion 
in  the  Atlantic  ;  the  Society  Iflands,  Otaheite, 
Eafter,  the  Marquefas,  and  other  ifland?  in 
the  Pacific.  This  opinion  he  was  induced 
to  relinquifh,  partly  becaufe  «*  fo  great  a  re 
volution  muft  have  left  behind  it  fome  hifto- 
rical  veftiges  or  traditions  ;"  but,  principally, 
becaufe  his  knowledge  of  the  Runic  language 
luggefted  to  him  a  refemblance  between  the 
names  mentioned  by  Zeno  and  thofe  which 
are  given  to  fome  of  the  iflands  of  Orkney, 
Shetland,  Faro  and  the  Hebrides. 

However  prefumptucus  it   may   appear    to 

call  in  queftion  the  opinion  of  fo  learned  and 

diligent    an    inquirer,    on   a    fubject,    which 

his  philological  and   geographical  knowledge 

muft 

*  Northern  voyages,  Dublin  edition^  p.  200. 


2    E     N     O.  75 

fnuft  enable  him  to  examine  with  the  greateft 
precilion ;  yet,  from  the  fearch  which  I  have 
had  opportunity  to  make,  it  appears  probable 
to  me  that  his  firft  opinion  was  right,  as  far 
as  it  refpects  Friiland,  and  perhaps  Porland. 
My  reafons  are  thefe  : 

i .  Dr.  Forfter  fays  that  Frifland  was  "  much 
larger  than  Iceland  ;"*  and  Hakluyt,  in  his 
account  of  Zeno's  voyage,  fpeaks  of  it  as 
"bigger  than  Ireland. "-f-  Neither  of  thefe 
accounts  can  agree  with  the  fuppofition  of  its 
being  one  of  the  Orkneys  ;  for  Iceland  is  346 
miles  long  and  200  wide.  Ireland  is  310  in 
length,  and  184  in  breadth;  but  Pomona, 
the  mainland  of  the  Orkneys,  is  but  22  miles 
long  and  20  wide. 

2.  Frifland  was  feen  by  Martin  Frobifher 
in  each  of  his  three  voyages  to  and  from 
Greenland  in  the  years  1576,  1577,  and 
1578.5  In  his  firft  voyage  he  took  his  de 
parture  from  Foula,  the  wefternmoft  of  the 
Shetland  Iflands,  in  lat.  60°  30',  and  after 
failing  W.  by  N.  fourteen  days,  he  made  the 
land  of  Frifland,  "  bearing  W.  N.  W.  diftant 
16  leagues,  in  lat.  6i°."  In  his  fecond  voyage 
he  failed  from  the  Orkneys  W.  N.  W,  twen 
ty 

*  Page  181.  i  Vol.  iii,  p.  122. 

4  Hakluyt,  \fol,  iii,  p.  30,  &c. 


76  Z     E     N     O. 

ty  fix  days,  before  he  came   "  within  making 
of  Frifland  $"  which  he  thus  defcribes. 

"July  4th.  We  made  land  perfcd:,  and 
knew  it  to  be  Frifland.  Found  ourfelves  in 
lat.  6o°i  and  were  fallen  in  with  the  fouth- 
ernmoft  part  of  this  land.  It  is  thought  to 
be  in  bignefs  not  inferior  to  England ;  and  is 
called  of  fome  authors  Weft  Frifland.  I  think 
it  lieth  more  weft  than  any  part  of  Europe. 
It  extendeth  to  the  north  very  far,  as  feemed 
to  us ;  and  appeareth  by  a  defcription  fet  out 
by  two  brethren  Nicolo  and  Antonio  Zeni ; 
who  being  driven  off  from  Ireland  about  200 
years  fmce,  were  (hip wrecked  there.  They 
have  in  their  fea  charts  defcribed  every  part,, 
and,  for  fo  much  of  the  land  as  we  have  failed 
along,  comparing  their  charts  with  the  coaft, 
we  find  it  very  agreeable.  All  along  this 
coaft  the  ice  lieth  as  a  continual  bulwark,  and 
fo  defendeth  the  country,  that  thofe  who 
would  land  there  incur  great  danger. "-j~  In 
his  third  voyage  he  found  means  to  land  on 
the  ifland.  The  inhabitants  fled  and  hid 
themfelves.  Their  tents  were  made  of  fkins 
and  their  boats  were  like  thole  of  Greenland. 
From  thefe  well  authenticated  accounts  of 

Frifland, 

t  Htfklurt,  vol.  iii.  p.  62 


Z    E    N    O.  77 

Frifland,  and  its  lituation  fo  far  weftward  of 
the  Orkneys  and  Shetland,  it  feems  impofliblc 
that  Dr.  Forfter's  fecond  opinion  can  be  right. 

3 .  One  of  the  reafons  which  led  the  Doctor 
to  give  up  his  firft  opinion,  that  theie  lands 
once  exifled,  but  had  difappeared,  was,  that  fo 
great  a  revolution  muft  have  left  fome  veftige 
behind.  If  no  perfon  efcaped  to  tell  the 
news,  what  better  veftige  can  there  be,  than 
the  existence  of  moals  or  rocks,  in  the  places 
where  thefe  iflands  once  were  known  to  be  ? 
In  a  map  prefixed  to  Crantz's  hiftory  of  Green 
land,  there  is  marked  a  very  extenfive  ihoal 
between  the  latitudes  of  59°  and  60°,  called 
"The  funken  land  of  Bufs."  Its  longitude  is 
between  Iceland  and  Greenland,  and  the  author 
fpeaks  of  it  in  thefe  words,  "  Some  are  of 
opinion  that  Frifland  was  funk  by  an  earth 
quake  j  and  that  it  was  iituate  in  thofe  parts 
where  the  funken  land  of  Bufs  is  marked  in 
the  maps  -,  which  the  feamen  cautioufly  a- 
void,  becaufe  of  the  mallow  ground  and  tur 
bulent  waves."* 

Refpecting  Bufs  Ifland  I  have  met  with  no 
other  account  than  what  is  preferved  by  Pur- 
chas-f-  in  his  abridgment  of  the  journal  of 

James 
*  Vol.  i,  p.  273,  t  Vol.  iv,  p.  815,  822. 


78  ZEN     O. 

James  Hall's  voyages  from  Denmark  to 
Greenland.  In  his  firft  voyage  [A.  D.  1605] 
he  remarks  thus,  "  Being  in  the  latitude  of 
59°^-  we  looked  to  have  feen  Buffe  Ifland; 
but  I  do  verily  fuppofe  the  fame  to  be  placed 
in  a  wrong  latitude  in  the  marine  charts."  In 
his  fecond  voyage  [1606]  he  faw  land  which 
he  "  fuppofed  to  be  Buffe  Ifland  lying  more 
to  the  weftward  than  it  is  placed  in  the  ma 
rine  charts,"  and  the  next  day,  viz.  July  2d. 
he  writes,  "  we  were  in  a  great  current  fet- 
ting  S.  S.  W.  which  I  fuppofe  to  fet  between 
Buffe  Ifland  and  Frifland  over  toward  Ameri 
ca." 

In  a  fourth  voyage  made  in  1 6 1 2  by  the 
fame  James  Hall,  from  England,  for  the  dif- 
covery  of  a  N.  W.  paffage,  of  which  there  is 
a  journal  written  by  John  Gatonbe  and  pre- 
ferved  in  Churchill's  Collections,*  they  kept 
a  good  look  out  both  in  going  and  returning 
for  the  ifland  of  Frifland  but  could  not  fee  it. 
In  a  map  prefixed  to  this  voyage,  Frifland  is 
laid  down  between  the  latitude  of  61°  and  62°; 
and  Bufs  in  the  latitude  of  57°.  In  Gaton- 
be's  journal  the  diftance  between  Shetland  and 
Frifland  is  computed  to  be  260  leagues,  the 

fouthernmoft 

*  Vol.  vi,  p.  260,  268. 


Z     E     N     O.  79 

fouthernmoft  part  of  Frifland  and  the  north- 
ernmoft  part  of  Shetland  are  faid  to  be  in  the 
tfame  latitude.  There  is  alfo  a  particular  map 
of  Frifland  preferved  by  Purchas*  in  which 
are  delineated  feveral  towns  and  cities  ;  the 
two  iflands  of  Ilofo  and  Ledovo  are  laid  down 
to  the  weflward  of  it,  and  another  called  Stro- 
rnio  to  the  eaftward. 

In  a  map  of  the  North  Seas  prefixed  to  an 
anonymous  account  of  Greenland,  in  Church^ 
ill's  Collection-)-  we  find  Frifland  laid  down 
in  the  latitude  62°,  between  Iceland  and 
Greenland. 

We  have  then  no  reafon  to  doubt  the  exif- 
tence  of  thefe  iflands  as  late  as  .the  beginning 
of  the  laft  century  ;  at  what  time  they  dif- 
appeared  is  uncertain,  but  that  their  place 
has  fince  been  occupied  by  a  fhoal,  we  have 
alfo  credible  teftimony. 

The  appearance  and  difappearance  of  iflands 
in  the  northern  fea  is  no  uncommon  thing, 
Befides  former  events  of  this  kind  there  is  one 
very  recent.  In  the  year  1783,  by  means  of 
a  volcanic  eruption,  two  iflands  were  produc 
ed  in  the  fea  near  the  S.  E.  coaft  of  Iceland, 
One  was  fuppofed  to  be  fo  permanent,  that  the 

King 

*  Vol.  ivj  p,  625,  t  Vol.  if,  p.  378. 


8o  Z     E     N     O. 

King  of  Denmark  fent  and  took  formal  pof- 
feffion  of  it  as  part  of  his  dominions ;  but  the 
Ocean,  paying  no  regard  to  the  territorial  claim 
of  a  mortal  fovereign,  has  fince  reabforbed  id 
in  his  watery  bofom.* 

Thefe  reafons  incline  me  to  believe  that 
Dr.  Forfler's  firft  opinion  was  well  founded, 
as  far  as  it  refpe6ls  Frifland. 

He  fuppofes  Porland  to  be  the  clufter  of 
iflands  called  Faro-f-.  But  Porland  is  faid 
to  lie  fouth\  of  Frifland  ;  whereas  the  Faro 
Iflands  lie  northweji  of  Orkney,which  he  fup 
pofes  to  be  Frifland,  The  learned  Doctor, 
who  is  in  general  very  accurate,  was  not 
aware  of  this  inconfiftency. 

In  the  account  which  Hakloyt  has  given 
of  Martin  Frobifher's  third  voyage,  we  find 
that  one  of  his  fhips,  the  Bufs  of  Bridgevvater, 
in  her  return  fell  in  with  land,  50  leagues  S.  E. 
of  Frifland  "  which  (it  is  faid)  was  never 
found  before"  the  fouthernmoft  part  of  which 
lay  in  latitude  57°^.  Along  the  coaft  of  this 
land,which  they  judged  to  extend  25  leagues, 
they  failed  for  three  days.§  The  exiftence  of 

this 

*  See  a  new  Geographical  Grammar,  by  a  Society    in    Edin 
burgh,  published  by  Alexander  Kincaid.  Vol.  i,p.  123. 
t  Northern  Voyages,  p.  207.  |  ibidj  p.  180. 
§  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii,  p.  -y-j,  93. 


Z     E    N     O.  81 

this  land,  Dr.  Forfter  feems  to  doubt;  but  yet 
allows  that  "  if  it  was  then  really  difcovered 
it  muft  have  funk  afterwards  into  the  fea,  as 
it  has  never  been  feen  again  j  or  elfe  thefe 
navigators  muft  have  been  miftaken  in  their 
reckoning." 

If  fuch  an  ifland  or  clufter  of  iflands  did 
exift  in  the  fituation  defcribed  by  Frobifher, 
it  might  be  the  Porland  of  Zeno  •>  for  the 
fouthernmoft  part  of  Frifland  lay  in  the  lat 
itude  of  60°^-  -,  the  fouthernmoft  part  of  this 
land  in  57°i .in  a  direction  S.  E.  from  it.  It 
was  probably  called  Bufs,  by  the  Englifh,  from 
the  name  of  Frobimer's  veflel  which  difcover- 
cdit. 

The  only  proof  which  can  now  be  produc 
ed  of  this  fact  muft  be  the  actual  exiftence  of 
rocks  and  moals  in  or  near  the  fame  place. 
Of  this,  it  is  happily  in  my  power  to  produce 
the  evidence  of  two  experienced  mipmafters, 
of  inconteftible  veracity,  now  living.  The 
firft  is  Ifaac  Smith  of  Maiden,  near  Bofton, 
from  whofe  log  book  I  have  made  the  follow 
ing  extract.  "  In  a  voyage  from  Petersburg 
to  Bofton,  in  the  mip  Thomas  and  Sarah,  be 
longing  to  Thomas  Rullell,  Efq.  of  Bofton, 
Merchant,  Thurfday,  Auguft  u,  1785,  courfe 
F  W.  N.  W, 


82  Z     E     N     O. 

W.  N.  W.  wind  W.  S.  W.  At  4  A.  M. 
difcovered  a  large  rock  a  head,  which  for  fome 
time  we  took  to  be^a  ihip  under  clofe  reefed 
topfail.  At  7,  being  within  two  miles,  faw 
breakers  under  our  lee,  on  which  account 
wore  fhip.  There  are  breakers  in  two  places 
bearing  S.  E  ;  one  a  mile,  the  other  two  miles 
from  the  rock.  It  lies  in  Lit.  57°  38' ;  lon 
gitude  Weil  from  London  13°  36'  ,  and  may 
be  difcovered  five  leagues  off.  We  founded  and 
had  56  fathom.  The  rock  appears  to  be  about 
i  oo  yards  in  circumference  and  50  feet  above 
water.  It  makes  like  a  hay  flack,  black  be 
low  and  white  on  the  top."  The  other  is 
Nathaniel  Goodwin,  of  Boflon,  who,  in  his 
homeward  pafTage  from  Amfterdam,  on  the 
1 5th  of  Auguft  1793,  faw  the  fame  rock. 
According  to  his  obfervation,  (which  however 
on  that  day  was  a  little  dubious)  it  lies  in  Lit. 
r7°  48'  and  Ion.  13°  46'.  He  palled  within 
two  miles  of  it  to  the  fouthward  and  faw 
breakers  to  the  northward  of  it.  Its  appear 
ance  he  defcribes  in  the  fame  manner  with 
Dmitri. 

From  thefe    authorities  I  am   ftronglv   in- 

O    * 

clined    to   believe    that    the  fhoal  denominat 
ed  "  the  funken  land   of  Bufs  "  is   cither   a 

part 


Z.     fe     N     O.  83 

part  of  the  ancient  Frifland  or  of  fome  iiland 
in  its  neighbourhood  j  and  that  the  rock  and 
ledges  feen  by  Smith  and  Goodwin,  belonged 
tov*he  clutter  once  called  Porland.  If  thefe 
concluiions  be  admitted,  there  can  be  no  fuf- 
picion  of  fiction  in  the  ftory  of  Zeno,  as  far  as 
it  refpedts  Prince  Zichmni,  and  his  expedi 
tions.  Shetland  may  then  well  enough  agree 
with  Eilland,  which  is  defcribed  by  Hakluyt 
as  lying  "  between  Frifland  and  Norway."* 

The  only  place  which  in  Zeno's  relation  is 
called  by  the  fame  name,  by  which  it  is  now 
known,  is  Iceland  ;  though  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Engroenland,  or  Engroveland,  is  the 
fame  with  Greenland  ;  where,  according  to 
Crantz,  there  Was  once  a  church  dedicated  to 
St.  Thomas,  and  iituate  near  a  volcano  and  a 
hot  fpring.'j- 

But  the  queftion  is,  where  fhall  we  find 
Eftotiland  ?  Dr.  Forfler  is  pofitive  that  "  it 
cannot  be  any  other  country,  than  Winland 
(difcovered  in  1001)  where  the  Normans 
made  a  fettlement."  The  Latin  books  feen 
there  by  the  fimerrmn,  he  fuppofes  to  have 
been  the  library  of  Eric,  Biiliop  of  Greenland, 
who  went  thither  in  the  twelfth  century  to 

convert 


*  Vol.  iii,  p.  122. 


111.  p. 

f  Crantz's  hift.  of  Greenland,  vol.  ii,   p.  265. 

Purchas,  vol.  iv,   p.  651. 
T-» 


84  Z     E     N     O. 

convert  his  countrymen.  He  is  alfo  of  opi 
nion  that  this  fifherman  had  the  ufe  of  the 
magnetic  needle  which  began  to  be  known  in 
Europe  about  the  year  1302,  before  \:he 
time  of  the  Zenos.  He  allb  thinks  that 
the  country  called  Progio  is  the  fame  with 
Florida. 

In  fome  of  the  old  maps,  particularly  in 
Sanfon's  French  Atlas,  the  name  Eftotiland 
is  marked  on  the  country  of  Labrador  ;  but 
the  pompous  defcription  of  it  by  the  fifher- 
man,  whether  it  be  Labrador  or  Newfound 
land,  exceeds  all  the  bounds  of  credibility, 
and  abufes  even  the  licence  of  a  traveller. 
The  utmofl  extent  of  Zichmni's  expedition, 
in  confequence  of  the  fimerman's  report,  could 
not  be  any  farther  weftward  than  Greenland, 
to  which  his  defcription  well  agrees.  The 
original  inhabitants  were  (hort  of  ftature,  half 
wild  and' lived  in  caverns  ;  and  between  the 
years  1380  and  1384  they  had  extirpated  the 
Normans  and  the  monks  of  St.  Thomas. 

The  difcovery  of  Eftotiland  muft  therefore 
reft  on  the  report  of  the  fimerman  j  but  the 
defcription  of  it,  of  Drogio,  and  the  Coun 
try  S.  W.  of  Drogio  muft  be  ranked  in  the 
fabulous  hiftory  of  America  ;  and  would  pro 
bably 


Z     E     N     O.  §5 

bably  have  been  long  fince  forgotten,  if  Chrif- 
topher  Columbus  had  not  made  his  grand  dif- 
covery  ;  from  the  merit  of  which,  his  rivals 
and  the  enemies  of  the  Spanim  nation  have 
uniformly  endeavoured  to  detradt. 


IV    CHRISTOPHER 


86 


IV.  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

1  HE  adventures  which  have  been  al 
ready  fpoken  of  were  more  the  refult  of  acci 
dent  than  defign  j  we  are  now  entering  on 
one,  founded  in  fcience  and  conducted  by  judg 
ment  ;  an  adventure,  which  whether  we  re 
gard  its  conception,  its  execution,  or  its  con- 
fequences,  will  always  reflect  the  higheft  hon 
our  on  him,  who  projected  it. 

About  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
when  the  Portuguefe  under  the  conduct  of 
Prince  Henry,  and  afterward  of  King  John  II, 
were  puming  their  difcoveries  along  the  wef- 
tern  more  of  Africa,  to  find  a  paflage  by  the 
fouth  to  India  j  a  genius  arofe,  whofe  memory 
has  been  preferved  with  veneration  in  the  pages 
of  hiftory,  as  the  instrument  of  enlarging  thr 
region  of  fcience  and  commerce,  beyond  any 
of  his  prcdeceffors.  CHRISTOPHER  CO 
LUMBUS,  a  native  of  the  Republic  of 
Genoa,  was  born  in  the  year  1447,  and  at  the 
age  of  fourteen  entered  on  a  feafaring  life,  as 
the  proper  fphere,  in  which  his  vigorous 
mind  was  deftined  to  perform  exploits  which 

mould 


COLUMBUS.  87 

ftiould  aftonim  mankind.*     He  was  educated 
in  the  fciences  of  Geometry  and  Aftronomy, 
which  form   the    bafis  of  navigation  ;  and  he 
was  well  verfed  in  Cofmography,  Hiftory  and 
Philofophy.      His  a&ive  and   enterprifing  ge 
nius,  though  it    enabled  him  to    comprehend 
the  old  fyftems,  yet  would  not  fuffer  him   to 
reft  in  their  decifions,  however    inclined   by 
time  or  by  venerable  names  ;  but   determined 
to  examine  them    by   actual    experiment,    he 
firft  vifited  thefeas  within  the  polar  circle,  and 
afterward    thofe   parts  of  Africa,    which   the 
Portuguefe  had  difcovered,  as  far  as  the    coaft 
of  Guinea  ;   and  by  the  time  that    he  had  at 
tained  the  age  of   thirty  feven,   he  had    from 
his  own    experience  received  the   fulleft  con 
viction,    that   the   opinion     of    the    ancients 
refpecting   the    torrid    and   frigid  zones    was 
void  of  any  j uft  foundation. 

When  an  old  fvftem  is  found  erroneous  in 

j 

one  point,  it  is  natural  to  fufpedt  it  of  farther 
imperfections  ;  and  when  one  difficulty  is 
overcome,  others  appear  lefs  formidable.  Such 
was  the  cafe  with  Columbus  ;  and  his  views 
were  accelerated  by  an  incident,  which  threat 
ened 

*  Life  of  Columbus  by  his  fon  Ferdinand,,  Chap.  4.— -See  vol. 
ii.  of  Churchill's  Collection  of  Voyages. 
Herrera's  Hilt.  Amer.  vol.  i. 

I''  4 


88  COLUMBUS. 

ened  to  put  an  end  to  his  life.  During  one 
of  his  voyages,  the  fhip  in  which  he  failed 
took  fire,  in  an  engagement  with  a  Venetian 
galley,  and  the  crew  were  obliged  to  leap  into 
the  fea,  to  avoid  perifhing  in  the  flames.  In 
this  extremity,  Columbus,  by  the  help  of  a 
floating  oar,  fwam  upwards  of  two  leagues  to 
the  coaft  of  Portugal  near  Lifbon,  and  met 
with  a  welcome  reception  from  many  of  his 
countrymen  who  were  fettled  there. 

At  Lifbon,  he  married  the  daughter  of 
Pereflrello,  an  old  feaman,  who  had  been  con 
cerned  in  the  difcovery  of  Porto  Santo  and 
Madeira  -y  from  whofe  journals  and  charts, 
he  received  the  higheft  entertainment.  Pur- 
fuing  his  inquiries  in  Geography,  and  obferv- 
ing  what  flow  progrefs  the  Portuguefe  made 
in  their  attempts  to  find  a  way  round  Africa 
to  India,  «*  he  began  to  reflect  that  as  the 
Portuguefe  travelled  fo  far  ibuthward,  it  were 
no  lefs  proper  to  fail  weftward,"  and  that 
it  was  reafonable  to  expe<5t  to  find  the  defired 
land  in  that  direction . 

It  muft  here  be  remembered,  that  India 
was  in  part  known  to  the  ancients,  and  that 
its  rich  and  ufeful  productions  had  for  many 
centuries  been  conveyed  into  Europe,  either 

bv 


COLUMBUS.  89 

by  caravans  through  the  defarts  of  Syria  and 
Arabia  ;  or  by  the  way  of  the  Red  Sea, 
through  Egypt,  into  the  Mediterranean.* 
This  lucrative  commerce  had  been  fuccerTive- 
ly  engrofled  by  the  Phenicians,  the  Hebrews, 
the  Egyptians,  the  Affyrians,  the  Palmyrenes, 
the  Arabians,  the  Genoefe  and  the  Venetians. 
The  Portuguefe  were  then  feeking  it  by  at 
tempting  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa  ; 
and  their  expectation  of  finding  it  in  that  di 
rection  was  grounded  on  ancient  hiftorical 
traditions,  that  a  voyage  had  been  formerly 
made  by  the  orders  of  Necho  King  of  Egypt, 
from  the  Red  Sea,  round  the  fouthern  part 
of  Africa  to  the  ftraits  of  Hercules  j  and 
that  the  fame  route  had  been  traverfed  by 
Hanno  the  Carthaginian,  by  Eudoxus  the 
Egyptian,  and  others,  The  Portuguefe  had 
confumed  about  half  a  century  in  making  va 
rious  attemps,  and  had  advanced  no  farther, 
on  the  weftern  coaft  of  Africa,  than  juft  to 
crofs  the  Equator,  when  Columbus  conceived 
his  grfcat  defign  of  finding  India  in  the  weft. 

The  caufes  which  led  him  to  entertain  this 
idea  are  diftinguimed  by  his  fon,  the  writer 
pf  his  life,  into  thefe  three  -y  "  natural  reafon, 

the 

*  Rob^rtfon's  India.     Bruce's  Travels. 


no  COLUMBUS. 

y 

the  authority  of  writers,  and  the  teftimony  of 
failors." 

By  the  help  of  "  reafon,"  he  argued  in  this 
manner  :  That  the  earth  and  fea  compofed 
one  globe  or  fphere.  This  was  known  by 
obierving  the  fhadow  of  the  earth  in  lunar 
eclipfes.  Hence  he  concluded  that  it  might 
be  travelled  over  from  eaft  to  weft,  or  from 
weft  to  eaft.  It  had  been  explored  to  the  eaft 
by  fome  European  travellers  as  far  as  Cipango, 
or  Japan  5  and  as  far  weft  ward  as  the  Azores 
or  Weftern  Iflands.  The  remaining  ipace, 
though  now  known  to  be  more  than  half,  he 
luppoied  to  be  but  one  third  part  of  the  cir 
cumference  of  the  globe.  If  this  fpace  were 
an  open  fea,  he  imagined  it  might  be  eafily 
failed  over  ;  and  if  there  were  any  land  extend 
ing  eaftwardly  beyond  the  known  limits  of 
Alia,  he  fuppoied  that  it  muft  be  nearer  to 
Spain  by  the  weft,  than  by  the  eaft.  For,  it 
was  then  a  received  opinion  that  the  conti 
nent  and  iflands  of  India  extended  over  one 

£.- 

third  part  of  the  circumference  of  the  globe  ; 
that  another  third  part  was  comprehended 
between  India  and  the  weftern  fhore  of 
Spain  ;  therefore  it  was  concluded,  that  the 
eaftern  part  of  India  muft  be  as  near  to  Spain 

as 


C  O  L  U  M  B  U  S.  91 

as  the  weftern  part.  This  opinion  though 
now  known  to  be  erroneous,  yet  being  then 
admitted  as  true,  made  it  appear  to  Columbus 
very  eafy  and  practicable  to  difcover  India'  in 
the  weft.  He  hoped  alib  that  between  Spain 
and  India,  in  that  direction,  there  might  be 
found  fome  hlands  ;  by  the  help  of  -which, 
as  refting  places  in  his  voyage,  he  might  the 
better  purfue  his  main  del^r.  The  probabil 
ity  of  the  e:;iflen:e  of  land  in  that'  Ocean,  he 
-argued,  p.  ,,n  the  opinioa  of  philofo- 

phers,'  that  there  was  more  land  than  lea  on 
the  "fur  face  or"  the  globe  ;  and  partly  from  the 
necelTiL-  a  counterpoiie  in  the  weft,  for  the 
irhmen.fc  quantity  of:  land  which  was  known 
to  be  in  the  eaft. 

Another  fource,  from  which  he  drew  his 
conclufion,  was,  "  the  authority  of  learned 
men,"  who  had  affirmed  the  pombility  of 
failing  from  the  weftern  coaft  of  Spain,  to  the 
eaftern  bounds  of  India.  Some  of  the  ancient « 
Geographers  had  admitted  this  for  truth,  and 
one  of  them*  had  affirmed  that  forty  days 
were  fufficient  to  perform  this,  navigation. 
Thefe  authorities  fell  in  with  the  theory 
which  Columbus  had  formed  ;  and  having, 
as  early  as  1474,  communicated  his  ideas  in 


*  Plinv. 


writing 


92  COLUMBUS. 

writing,  to  Paul  a  learned  phyfician  of  Flo 
rence,  he  received  from  him  letters  of  that  date, 
Confirming  his  opinion  and  encouraging  his 
defign  ;  accompanied  with  a  chart,  in  which 
Paul  had  laid  down  the  city  of  Quifay  (fup- 
pofed  to  be  the  capital  of  China)  but  little 
more  than  two  thoufand  leagues  weftward 
from  Lifbon,  which  in  fact  is  but  half  te 
diftance.  Thus,  by  arguing  from  true  prin 
ciples,  and  by  indulging  conjectures  partly 
well  founded  and  partly  erroneous,  Columbus 
was  led  to  the  execution  of  a  plan,  bold  in  its 
conception,  and,  to  his  view,  eafily  practicable  -, 
for  great  minds  overlook  intermediate  obfta- 
cles,  which  men  of  fmaller  views  magnify 
into  infuperable  difficulties. 

The  third  ground  on  which  he  formed  his 
idea  was  "  the  teftimony  of  mariners  ;"  a  clafs 
of  men  who  at  that  time,  and  in  that  imper 
fect  ftate  of  fcience,  were  too  prone  to  mix 
fable  with  fact  -,  and  were  often  milled  by 
appearances,  which  they  could  not  folve.  In 
the  fea,  between  Madeira  and  the  Weftern 
Iflands,  pieces  of  carved  wood  and  large  joints 
of  cane  had  been  difcovered,  which  were  fup- 
pofed  to  be  brought  by  wefterly  winds.  Branch 
es  of  pine  trees,  a  covered  canoe,  and  two  hu 
man 


COLUMBUS.  93 

man  bodies  of  a  complexion  different  from  the 
Europeans  and  Africans  had  been  found  on 
the  mores  of  thefe  iflands.  Some  navigators 
had  affirmed,  that  they  had  feen  iflands  not 
more  than  an  hundred  leagues  weft  ward  from 
the  Azores.  There  was  a  tradition,  that 
when  Spain  was  conquered  by  the  Moors  in 
the  eighth  century,  feven  Bifhops,  who  were 
exiled  from  their  country,  had  built  feven 
cities  and  churches,  on  an  iiland  called  An- 
til  la  5  which  was  fuppofed  to  be  not  more  than 
two  hundred  leagues  weft  of  the  Canaries  ; 
and  it  was  faid  that  a  Portuguefe  fhip  had 
once  difcovered  this  ifland,  but  could  never 
find  it  again.  Thefe  ftories,  partly  true  and 
partly  fabulous,  had  their  effecl:  on  the  mind 
of  Columbus.  He  believed  that  iflands  were 
were  to  be  found,  weft  ward  of  the  Azores  and. 
Canaries ;  though  according  to  his  theory, 
they  were  at  a  greater  diftance  than  any  of  his 
contemporaries  had  imagined.  His  candour 
led  him  to  adopt  an  opinion  from  Pliny  ref- 
pefting  floating  iflands,  by  the  help  of  which 
he  accounted  for  the  appearances  related  to 
him,  by  his  marine  brethren.  It  is  not  im 
probable  that  the  large  iflands  of  floating  ice, 
driven  from  the  Polar  Seas  to  the  fouthward  ; 

or 


94  COLUMBUS. 

or  the  Fog  Banks,  which  form  many  fingu- 
)ar  appearances  reiembling  land  and  trees, 
might  have  been  the  true  foundation  of  this 
opinion  and  of  thefe  reports.* 

It 

*  The  following  account  of  a  curious  deception,  extracted  from 
! he  Gentleman's  Magazine,  may.  elucidate  the  above  obfervations. 

"  March  4,  1748 — 9,' at  two  in  the  afternoon,  made  land  which 
bore  N.  E.  feven  leagues  diflance  by  cflnnation  :  at  five  tacked, 
being  about  three  leagues  from  faid  iflindj  wind  E.  S.  E.  latitude 
:  V  obfcrvation  49°  40'  ;  longitude  24°  30',  from  the  Lizard.  This 
ifiand  flretches  N.  W.  and  S.  E.  about  5  leagues  long,  and  9 
miles  wide.  On  the  fouth  fide  fine  valleys  and  a  great  number  of 
birds. 

March  5,  faid  ifiand  bore  N.  three  leagues,  N.  W.  a  reef  of 
rocks  three  miles.  This  day  a  fhip's  malt  came  along  fide.  On 
the  fouth  point  of  faid  ifiand  is  a  fmall  maffhy  ifiand." 

"  A  copy  of  my  journal  on  board  the  fnow  St.  Paul,  of  London, 
bound  from  South  Carolina  to  London. 

William  Otton,  Commander." 

P.  S.  Captain  Otton  thought  he  faw  a  tent  on  thr  ifland,  and 
would  have  gone  afhore,  but  had  unfortunately  ftove  his  boat  fome 
tin.vj  before. 

*;  Commodore  Rodney  is  commiflioned  to  go  in  qnefl  of  an 
ifiand,  which,  according  to  the  report  of  a  mailer  of  a  fhip,  and 
fome  others,  on  examination  before  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty, 
lies  anout  50°  N.  and  about  300  leagues  well  of  England.  Capt. 
Murdock  Mackenzie,  an  excellent  mathematician,  and  author  of 
the  fea  charts  uf  the  Orkney  and  Lewis  if!..r,ds,  attends  him  in  the 
Culloden  floop,  to  bring  back  an  account  of  what  difcoverics  he 
may  make.  As  this  ifiand  lies  out  c  f  the  track  of  the  trade  to 
America,  it  is  fuppofed  to  have  been  mi  fled  by  navigators  to  our 
colonies,  though  marked  in  for:e  Dutch  maps.  If  the  Com 
modore  difcovrrs  it,  he  is  to  take  pofL-flion  of  it  by  the  name  of 
Rodney's  iilund." 

"  Friday 


COLUMBUS.  95 

It  is  not  pretended  that  Columbus  was  'the 
only  perfon  of  his  age  who  had  acquired  thefe 
ideas  of  the  form,  dimenfions  and  balancing 
of  the  globe  ;  but  he  was  one  of  the  few  who 
had  begun  to  think  for  themfelves,  and  he 
had  a  genius  of  that  kind,  which  makes  ufe 
of  fpeculation  and  reaibning  only  as  excite 
ments  to  action.  He  was  not  a  clofet  pro 
jector,  but  an  enterprifing  adventurer  -y  and 
having  efbblimed  his  theory  on  principles, 
he  was  determined  to  exert  himfelf  to  the 
utmoft,  to  demonftrate  its  truth  by  experi 
ment.  But  deeming  the  enterprife  too  great 
to  be  undertaken  by  any  but  a  fovereign  ftate, 
he  firit  applied  (as  it  is  faid)  to  the  Republic 
of  Genoa,  by  whom  his  project  was  treated 
as  vifionary.*  He  then  propofed  his  plan  to 

John 

"Friday,  April  10,  1752,  Commodore  Rodney  arrived  at 
Woolwich  ;  he  had  been  cruifmg  ten  days  in  qucft  of  an  ifland, 
and  the  men  at  the  top-mafl-head  were  more  than  once  deceived 
with  what  the  i'ailors  call  fog-banks.  About  the  6th  or  ^th  day 
the  crew  obfcrved  branches  of  trees  with  their  leaves  on,  and 
flights  of  gulls,  and  pieces  of  fhipwreck,  which  are  generally  re 
garded  as  certain  figns  of  an  adjacent  fhore,  but  could  not  difcover 
any."  Gent.  Mag.  for  1751,^.  235.  for  1752,^.  88,  189. 

N.  B.  The  ifland  marked  in  the  Dutch  maps,  could  not  have 
been  miftaken  for  this  imaginary  ifland,  being  but  a  fingle  rock. 
It  is  the  fame  that  is  defcribed  in  the  life  of  Zeno.  Page%2. 

*  This  is  faid  on  the  authority  of  Herrera  the  royal  Spanifli 
hiftorian  ;  Fer.dinando  Columbus,  in  the  life  of  his  father,  fayi 

nothing 


96  COLUMBUS. 

John  II.  King  of  Portugal,  who,  though  a 
Prince  of  good  underftanding  and  of  an  en- 
terpriiing  difpofition,  yet  was  fo  deeply  engag 
ed  in  profecuting  difcoveries  on  the  African 
coaft,  with  a  view  to  find  a  way  to  India  round 
that  continent ;  and  had  been  at  fo  vaft  an  ex- 
penie  without  any  confiderable  fuccefs,  that 
he  had  no  inclination  to  accept  the  terms 
which  Columbus  propofed.  Influenced  how 
ever  by  the  advice  of  Calzadiila,  a  favourite 
courtier,  he  privately  gave  orders  to  a  {hip, 
bound  to  the  iflands  of  Cape  de  Verd,  to  at 
tempt  a  difcovery  in  the  weft ;  but  through 
ignorance  and  want  of  en»erprife,  the  naviga 
tors,  after  wandering  for  fome  time  in  the  o- 
cean  and  making  no  difcovery,  reached  their 
deftincd  port  and  turned  the  project  of  Co 
lumbus  into  ridicule. 

Difgufted  with  this  bafe  artifice,  he  quitted 
Portugal,  and  went  to  Ferdinand,  King  of 
Spain,  having  previoufly  fent  his  brother  to 
England  to  folicit  the  patronage  of  Henry 
VII.  But  being  taken  by  pirates,  and  detain 
ed  feveral  years  in  captivity,  Bartholomew  had 
it  not  in  his  power  to  reveal  his  project  to 

Henry, 

nothing  of  it  ;  but  reprefents  his  application  to  the  King  of  Por 
tugal  as  th<J  fir;l,  zr.A  gives  thi»  reafon  for  it,  "bccaufe  he  lived 
under  him." 


COLUMBUS.  97 

Henry,  till  Chriftopher  Columbus  had  fuc- 
ceeded  in  Spain.  Before  this  could  be  ac~ 
complifhed,  he  had  various  obftacles  to  fur- 
mount  ;  and  it  was  not  till  after  feven  years 
of  painful  felicitation  that  he  obtained  his  re- 
queft. 

The  objections  made  to  the  propofal  of 
Columbus,  by  the  mod  learned  men  in  Spain, 
to  whom  the  convideration  of  it  was  referred, 
will  give  us  fome  idea  of  the  ftate  of  geogra 
phical  fcience  at  that  time.  One  objection 
was,  How  fhould  he  know  more  than  all  the 
wife  men  and  ikilful  failors  who  had  exilied 
lince  the  creation  ?  Another  was  the  authori 
ty  of  Seneca,  who  had  doubted  whether  it 
were  poffible  to  navigate  the  ocean  at  any 
great  diftance  from  the  more ;  but  admitting 
that  it  were  navigable,  they  imagined,  that 
three  years  would  be  required  to  perform  the 
voyage,  which  Columbus  propofed.  A  third 
was,  that  if  a  {hip  mould  fail  wefhvard  on  a 
round  globe,  me  would  neceilarily  go  down, 
on  the  oppofite  fide,  and  then  it  would  be 
impoffible  to  return,  becaufe  it  would  be  like 
climbing  up  a  hill,  which  no  fhip  could  ldo 
with  the  flrongeft  wind.  A  fourth  objection 
\vas  grounded  on  a  book  of  St.  Auguftinc, 
G  in 


9S  COLUMBUS, 

in  which  he  had  exprefTed  his  doubt  of  the 
exiftence  of  antipodes  and  the  poffibility  of 
going  from  one  hemilphere  to  the  other.  As 
the  writings  of  this  Holy  Father  had  received 
the  fanction  of  the  Church,  to  contradict  him 
was  deemed  herefy. 

For  fuch  reafons,  and  by  fuch  reafoners,  the 
propofal  of  Columbus  was  at  firft  rejected ; 
but  by  the  influence  of  John  Perez,  a  Spaniili 
Prieft,  and  Lewis  Santangel,  an  officer  of  the 
King's  hou/hold,  Queen  Ifabelia  was  perfuad- 
ed  to  liften  to  his  felicitation,  and  after  he 
had  been  twice  repulfed,  to  recal  him  to 
Court ;  when  fhe  offered  to  pawn  her  jewels  to 
defray  the  expenfe  of  the  equipment,  amount 
ing  to  no  more  than  2500  crowns  -y  which 
fum  was  advanced  by  Santangel,  and  the 
Queen's  jewels  were  faved.  Thus,  to  the 
generous  decilion  of  a  female  mind,  we  owe 
the  difcovery  of  America. 

The  conditions  ftipulated  between  Ferdi 
nand  and  Ifabelia  on  the  one  part,  and  Co 
lumbus  on  the  other  part,  were  thefe  :  "  That 
he,  his  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  fhould  hold  the 
office  of  Admiral  in  all  thofe  Jjlands  and  Con 
tinents  which  he  mould  difcover ;  that  he 
fliould  be  Viceroy  and  Governor  of  the  fame, 

with 


COLUMBUS.  99 

with  power  of  nominating  three  afTociates,  of 
whom  their  majefties  mould  appoint  one. 
That  he  mould  have  one  tenth  part  of  the 
neat  proceeds  of  all  the  gold,  and  filver,  pre 
cious  ftones,  fpice  and  other  merchandife 
which  fhould  be  found  -,  that  he,  or  a  deputy 
of  his  own  appointing,  mould  decide  all  con- 
troverfies  refpecling  the  trade  ;  that  he  mould 
be  at  one  eighth  part  of  the  expenfe  of  equip 
ping  the  firft  fleet,  and  mould  receive  one 
eighth  part  of  the  profits." 

The  necefTary  preparations  being  made,  and 
a  year's  provifion  laid  in,  on  the  3d  of  Auguft, 
1492,  Columbus  failed  from  Palos,  a  port  of 
Spain,  on  the  Mediterranean,  with  three  vef- 
fels,  one  of  which  was  called  a  carrack,  and 
the  other  two,  caravels  $*  having  on  board, 
the  whole,  ninety  men.  Having  paffed 
through  the  ftraits  of  Gibraltar,  he  arrived  at 
the  Canaries,  on  the  1 2th  of  the  fame  month ; 
where  he  was  detained  in  refitting  one  of  the 
caravels,  and  taking  in  wood  and  water,  till 
the  6th  of  September,  when  he  failed  weft- 
ward  on  his  voyage  of  difcovery. 

This  voyage,  which  now  is   confidered  as 
an  eafy  and  pleafant  run,  between  the  latitudes 
G  2  of 

*  A  carrack  Was  a  veflel  with  a  deck  ;  a  caravel  had  n»ne. 


loo  C  O  L  U  M  BUS. 

of  20  and  30  degrees,  with  a  trade  wind,  was 
then  the  boldeft  attempt  which  had  ever  been 
made,  and  filled  the  minds  of  the  befl  ieamen 
with  appreheniion.  They  were  going  diredl- 
]y  from  home,  and  from  all  hope  of  relief,  if 
any  accident  mould  befal  them.  No  friendly 
port  nor  human  being  was  known  to  be  in 
that  direction.  Every  bird  which  flew  in  the 
air,  every  fifh  which  appeared  in  the  lea,  and 
every  weed  which  floated  on  its  furfice,  was 
regarded  with  the  mofk  minute  attention,  as 
if  the  fate  of  the  voyage  depended  on  it.  A 
phenomenon  which  had  never  before  been 
obferved  ftruck  them  with  terror.  The  mag 
netic  needle  appeared  to  vary  from  the  pole : 
They  began  to  apprehend  that  their  compafs 
would  prove  an  unfaithful  guide  ;  and  the 
trade  wind,  which  wafted  them  along  with 
its  friendly  wings,  they  feared  would  obflru'fl 
their  return. 

To  be  twenty  days  at  fea,  without  fight  of 
land,  was  what  the  boldeft  mariner  had  never 
before  attempted.  At  the  expiration  of  that 
time  the  impatient  failors  began  to  talk  of 
throwing  their  commander  into  the  ocean, 
and  returning  home.  Their  murmurs  reach 
ed  his  ears  j  but  his  aftive  mind  was  never  at 

a  lofs 


COLUMBUS. 

a  lofs  for  expedients,  even  in  the  greateft  ex 
tremity.  •  By  Toothing*  flattery,  and  artifice, 
by  inventing  reafons  for  every  uncommon  ap 
pearance,  by  promising  rewards  to  the  obedi 
ent,  and  a  gratuity  to  him  who  mould  firft  dif- 
cover  land,  in  addition  to  what  the  King  had 
ordered  ;  and  by  deceiving  them  in  the  mip's 
reckoning,  he  kept  them  on  their  courfe  for 
iixteen  days  longer.  In  the  night  of  the  i  ith 
of  October,  he  himfelf  faw  a  light,  which 
feemed  to  be  on  more,  and  in  the  morning  of 
the  1 2th,  they  had  the  joyful  fight  of  land, 
which  proved  to  be  the  ifland  of  Guanahana, 
one  of  the  clutter  called  Bahamas,  in  the  25th 
degree  of  north  latitude. 

Thus  in  the  fpace  of  thirty  fix  days,  and  in 
the*45th  year  of  his  age,  Columbus  complet 
ed  a  voyage  which  he  had  fpent  twenty  years 
in  projecting  and  executing  j  a  voyage  which 
opened  to  the  Europeans  a  new  world  ;  which 
gave  a  new  turn  to  their  thoughts,  to  their 
fpirit  of  enterprise  and  of  commerce ;  which 
enlarged  the  empire  of  Spain,  and  f tamped 
with  immortality  the  name  of  Columbus. 

After   fpending    feveral  months  in   failing 
from  one  ifland  to  another  in  that  vaft  archi 
pelago,  which,  from  the  mifhkes  of  the  a^e 
G  3  received 


102  COLUMBUS. 

received  the  name  of  the  Weft- Indies.  Colum 
bus  returned  to  Spain  with  the  two  fmaller 
vefTels,  (the  larger  having  been  wrecked  on 
the  ifland  of  Hifpaniola)  leaving  behind  him 
a  colony  of  thirty  nine  men,  furnifhed  with  a 
year's  provifion,  and  lodged  in  a  fort  which 
had  been  built  of  the  timber  faved  from  the 
wreck.  During  his  paflage  he  met  with  a 
violent  tempeft  which  threatened  him  with 
deftruction.  In  this  extremity,  he  gave  an 
admirable  proof  of  his  calmnefs  and  forefight. 
He  wrote  on  parchment  an  account  of  his 
difcoveries,  wrapped  it  in  a  piece  of  oiled 
cloth,  and  inclofed  it  in  a  cake  of  wax,  which 
be  put  into  a  tight  cafk  and  threw  into  the 
fea.  Another  parchment,  fecured  in  the  fame 
manner,  he  placed  on  the  ftern,  that  if  the 
(hip  mould  fink,  the  cafk  might  float,  and 
poiTibly  one  or  the  other  might  be  driven  on 
fhore,  or  taken  up  at  fea  by  fome  future  navi 
gator.  But  this  precaution  proved  fruitlefs. 
He  arrived  Me  in  Spain,  in  March,  1493, 
and  was  received  with  the  honours  due  to  his 
merit. 

The  account  which  Columbus  gave  of  his 
new  difcoveries,  the  fpecimens  of  gold  and 
other  valuable  productions,  and  the  fight  of 

the 


COLUMBUS.  103 

the  natives  which  he  carried  from  the  Weft- 
Indies  to  Spain,  were  fo  pleafing  that  the 
court  determined  on  another  expedition.  But 
firft  it  was  necefTary  to  obtain  the  fanction 
of  the  Pope,  who  readily  granted  it  ;  and 
by  an  imaginary  line,  drawn  from  pole  to 
pole,  at  the  diilance  of  one  hundred  leagues 
weftward  of  the  Azores,  he  divided  between 
the  crowns  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  all  the  new 
countries  already  difcovered  or  to  be  difcov- 
ered  ;  giving  the  weftern  part  to  the  former, 
and  the  eafterh  to  the  latter.  No  provifioa 
however  was  made,  in  cafe  that  they  mould 
meet,  and  their  claims  mould  interfere  on  the 
oppofite  fide  of  the  globe.  The  bull,  con 
taining  this  famous  but  imperfect  line  of  de- 
markation,  was  figned  by  Alexander  VI.  on 
the  fecond  day  of  May,  1493  >  anc^  on  tne 
28th  of  the  fame  month,  the  King  and  Queen 
of  Spain,  by  a  written  inftrument,  explained 
and  confirmed  the  privileges  and  powers 
which  they  had  before  granted  to  Columbus, 
making  the  office  of  Viceroy  and  Governor 
of  the  Indies  hereditary  in  his  family.  On 
the  25th  of  September  following,  he  failed 
from  Cadiz,  with  a  fleet  of  feventeen  mips, 
great  and  fmall,  well  furnimed  with  all  necef- 
G  4  fanes 


704  COLUMBUS. 

faries  for  the  voyage  ;  and  having  on  board 
1500  people,  with  horfes,  cattle,  and  imple 
ments  to  efHblith  plantations. 

On  Sunday  the  third  of  November,  he  dif- 
covered  an  ifland,  to  which,  in  honour  of  the 
dav,  he  gave  the  name  of  Dominica.  After 
ward  he  discovered  in  fuccefllori  other  iflands, 
which  he  called  Marigalante,  Guadaloupe, 
Montferrat,  Redonda,  Antigua,  St.  Martin's, 
St.  Urfula,  and  St.  John.  On  the  I2th  of 
November  he  came  to  Navidad,  on  the  North 
fide  of  Hifpaniola,  where  he  had  built  his 
fort,  and  left  his  colony  -t  but  he  had  the 
mortification  to  find,  that  the  people  were  all 
dead,  and  that  the  fort  had  been  deftroyed. 

The  account  given  by  the  natives,  of  the 
lofs  of  the  colony,  was,  that  they  fell  intodif- 
cord  among  themfelves,  on  the  ufual  fubjects 
of  controverfy,  women  and  gold ;  that  having 
provoked  a  chief,  whole  name  was  Canaubo, 
he  came  againft  them  with  a  fuperior  force, 
and  deftroyed  them  j  that  fome  of  the  natives, 
in  attempting  to  defend  them,  had  been  kill 
ed,  and  others  were  then  ill  of  their  wounds ; 
•which,  on  infpection,  appeared  to  have  been 
made  with  Indian  weapons. 

Columbus  prudently  forbore  to  make  any 
critical  inquiry  into  the  matter ,  but  hafted 

to 


COLUMBUS.  105 

to  eftablifh  another  colony,  in  a  more  eligible 
fituation,  to  the  eaftward ;  which  he  called 
Ifabella,  after  his  royal  patronefs.  He  had 
many  difficulties  to  contend  with,  befides 
thofe  which  unavoidably  attend  undertakings 
of  fuch  noveky  and  magnitude.  Nature  in 
deed  was  bountiful :  the  foil  and  climate  pro 
duced  vegetation,  with  a  rapidity  to  which 
the  Spaniards  had  not  been  accuftomed. 
From  wheat  fown  at  the  end  of  January,  full 
ears  were  gathered  at  the  end  of  March.  The 
ftones  of  fruit,  the  flips  of  vines  and  the  joints 
of  fugar  cane  fprouted  in  feven  days,  and  ma 
ny  other  feeds  in  half  the  time.  This  was 
an  encouraging  profpect  -,  but  the  flow  ope 
rations  of  agriculture  did  not  meet  the  views 
of  fanguine  adventurers.  The  numerous  fol 
lowers  of  Columbus,  fome  of  whom  were  of 
the  befl  families  in  Spain,  had  conceived  hopes 
of  fuddenly  enriching  themfelves,  by  the  pre 
cious  metals  of  thofe  new  regions ;  and  were 
not  difpofed,  to  liften  to  his  recommendations 
of  patience  and  induflry,  in  cultivating  the 
earth.  The  natives  were  difpleafed  with  the 
licentioufnefs  of  their  new  neighbours ;  who 
endeavoured  to  keep  them  in  awe  by  a  dif- 
play  of  force.  The  explofion  of  fire  arms, 

and 


io6  COLUMBUS. 

and  the  light  of  men  mounted  on  horfes,  were 
at  firft,  obje&s  of  terror  ;  but  ufe  had  render 
ed  them  lefs  formidable.  Columbus,  over 
burdened  with  care  and  fatigue,  fell  fick,  and 
at  his  recovery,  found  a  mutiny  among  his 
men  ;  which,  by  a  due  mixture  of  refolution 
and  lenity,  he  had  the  addrefs  to  quell.  He 
then  endeavoured  to  eftablifh  difcipline  among 
his  own  people,  and  to  employ  the  natives  in 
cutting  roads  through  the  woods.  Whilfl  he 
was  prefent,  and  able  to  attend  to  bufinefs, 
things  went  on  fo  profperoufly,  that  he 

thought  he  might  fafely  proceed  on  his  dif- 
coveries, 

In  his  former  voyage  he  had  vifited  Cuba j 
but  was  uncertain  whether  it  were  an  ifland 
or  a  part  of  fome  continent.  He  therefore 
patted  over  to  its  eaftern  extremity ;  and  coaft- 
ed  its  fouthern  fide,  till  he  found  himfelf  en 
tangled  among  a  vaft  number  of  fmall  iilands, 
which  for  their  beauty  and  fertility  he  called 
the  Garden  of  the  Queen  j  but  the  dangerous 
rocks  and  fhoals,  which  furrounded  them, 
obliged  him  to  ftretch  farther  to  the  fouth- 
ward ;  by  which  means,  he  difcovered  the 
ifland  of  Jamaica  ;  where  he  found  water  and 
other  refreshments  for  his  men,  who  were 

almoft 


COLUMBUS.  107 

almoft  dead  with  famine.  The  hazard,  fa 
tigue  and  diftrefs  of  this  voyage,  threw  him 
into  a  lethargic  diforder,  from  which  he  had 
juft  recovered,  when  he  returned  to  his  colo 
ny  and  found  it  all  in  confufion  ;  from  the 
fame  caufes  which  had  proved  deftructive  to 
the  firft. 

In  his  abfence,  the  licentioufnefs  of  the 
Spaniards  had  provoked  feveral  of  the  chiefs ; 
four  of  whom  had  united  to  deftroy  them, 
and  had  actually  commenced  hoftilities,  in 
which  twenty  Spaniards  were  killed.  Co^ 
lumbus  collected  his  people,  put  them  into 
the  beft  order,  and  by  a  judicious  combination 
of  force  and  ftratagem  gained  a  decifive  victo-^ 
ry,  to  which  the  horfes  and  dogs  did  not  a 
little  contribute. 

At  his  return  to  Hifpaniola,  he  had  the 
pleafure  of  meeting  his  brother  Bartholomew, 
whom  he  had  not  feen  for  feveral  years,  and 
whom  he  fuppofed  to  have  been  dead.  Bar 
tholomew  was  a  man  of  equal  knowledge,  ex 
perience,  bravery  and  prudence  with  himfelf. 
His  patience  had  endured  a  fevere  trial  in  their 
long  feparation.  He  had  many  obftacles  to 
furmount,  before  he  could  get  to  England 
and  obtain  accefs  to  the  King.  He  was  at 

Paris 


io8  COLUMBUS. 

Paris  when  he  heard  of  the  fuccefs  of  his 
brother's  firft  enterprize  ;  who  had  gone  on 
the  fecond,  before  Bartholomew  could  get  to 
Spain.  On  his  arrival  there,  and  being  intro 
duced  to  the  court,  he  was  appointed  to  the 
command  of  three  (hips,  which  were  def- 
tined  to  convey  fupplies  to  the  colony  ;  and  he 
arrived  whilft  Chriftopher  was  abfent  on  his 
voyage  to  Cuba  and  Jamaica.  Columbus  ap 
pointed  his  brother  to  command  at  Ifabella, 
whilft  he  went  into  the  interior  part  of  the 
ifland,  to  perfect  his  conqueft,  and  reduce  the 
natives  to  fubjection  and  tribute. 

The  Indians  were  fo  unufed  to  collect  gold 
duft,  in  fuch  quantities  as  their  conquerors 
demanded  it,  that  they  offered  to  plant  the 
imqjenfe  plains  of  Hifpaniola,  and  pay  an  e- 
quivalent  in  corn.  Columbus  was  ftruck  with 
the  magnanimity  of  the  propofal ;  and  in  con- 
fequence,  moderated  the  tribute.  This  did 
not  fatisfy  the  avarice  of  his  fellow  adventu 
rers,  who  found  means  to  complain  of  him 
to  the  King's  minifters,  for  his  negligence 
in  acquiring  the  only  commodity,  which  they 
thought  deferved  the  name  of  riches.  The 
Indians  then  defifted  from  planting  their  ufual 
quantity  of  corn,  and  attempted  to  fubfift 

chiefly 


COLUMBUS.  109 

chiefly  on  animal  food.  This  experiment 
proved  injurious  to  themfelves  as  well  as  to 
their  conquerors  ;  and  it  was  computed,  that 
within  four  years,  from  the  firft  difcovery 
of  ths  ifland,  one  third  part  of  its  inhabitants 
pcriflied. 

The  complaints  againft  Columbus  fo 
wrought  on  the  jealous  mind  of  King  Ferdi 
nand,  that  John  Aguado,  who  was  lent,  in 
1495,  with  fupplies  to  the  colony,  had  or 
ders  to  a£t  as  a  ipy  on  his  conduct.  This 
man  behaved  with  fo  little  difcretion,  as  to 
feck  matter  of  accufation,  and  give  out  threats 
againft  the  Admiral.  At  the  fame  time,  the 
fhips  which  he  commanded,  being  deftroyed 
by  a  hurricane,  he  had  no  means  left  to  return  ; 
till  Columbus,  knowing  that  he  had  enemies 
at  home  and  nothing  to  fupport  him  but  his 
own  merit,  refolved  to  go  to  Spain,  with  two 
caravels  ;  himfelf  in  one,  and  Aguado  in  the 
other.  Having  appointed  proper  perfons  to 
command  the  feveral  forts  $  his  brother  Bar 
tholomew  to  fuperintend  the  whole,  and  his 
brother  James  to  be  next  in  authority  ;  he  fet 
fail  on  the  tenth  of  March  1496,  and  after  a 
perilous  and  tedious  voyage,  in  the  tropical 

latitudes, 


i  jo  COLUMBUS. 

latitudes,  arrived  at  Cadiz  on  the  eleventh  of 
June. 

His  prefence  at  Court,  with  the  gold  and 
other  valuable  articles  which  he  carried  home, 
removed,  in  fome  meaiure,  the  prejudices 
which  had  been  excited  againft  him.  But 
his  enemies,  though  filent,  were  not  idle  ; 
and  in  a  court,  where  phlegm  and  languor 
proved  a  clog  to  the  fpirit  of  enterprize,  they 
found  it  not  difficult  to  obftrudt  his  views  ; 
which,  notwithstanding  all  discouragements, 
were  ftill  pointed  to  the  difcovery  of  a  way 
to  India  by  the  weft. 

He  now  demanded  eight  (hips,  to  carry 
fupplies  to  his  colony,  and  fix  to  go  on  dif 
covery.  Thefe  demands  were  complied  with, 
and  he  began  his  third  voyage  on  the  thir 
tieth  of  May  1498.  He  keptacourfe  fo  far  to 
the  fouthward,  that  not  only  his  men,  but  his 
provisions  and  water  fuftered  greatly  from  ex- 
ceffive  heat.  The  firft  land  he  made  after 
leaving  the  liles  of  Cape  de  Verd,  was  a  large 
ifland  which  he  named  Trinidad,  from  its  ap 
pearance  in  the  form  of  three  mountains.  He 
then  panned  through  a  narrow  {trait  and  whirl 
pool  into  the  gulf  of  Paria  ;  where,  obferv- 
ing  the  tide  to  be  rapid,  and  the  water  brack- 

ifli, 


COLUMBUS.  in 

ifli,  he  conje&ured,  that  the  land,  on  the 
weftern  and  fouthern  fides  of  the  gulf,  was 
part  of  a  continent ;  and  that  the  frefh  water 
proceeded  from  fome  great  rivers. 

The  people  on  the  coaft  of  Paria  were 
whiter  than  thofe  of  the  iflands.  They  had 
about  their  necks  plates  of  gold  and  firings  of 
pearl ;  which  they  readily  exchanged  for  piec 
es  of  tin  and  brafs,  and  little  bells  *f  and  when 
they  were  queflioned  whence  they  obtained 
the  gold  and  pearls,  they  pointed  to  the  weft. 

The  Admiral's  proviiion  not  allowing  him 
to  ftay  long  in  this  place  $  he  paffed  again, 
through  that  dangerous  ftrait,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  the  Dragon's  Mouth  $  and 
having  fatisfied  himfelf,  that  the  land  On  his 
left  was  a  continent,  he  fleered  to  the  N.  W  j 
difcovering  Margarita  and  feveral  other  iflands 
in  his  courfe ;  and  on  the  thirtieth  of  Auguft, 
arrived  at  the  harbour  of  St.  Domingo,  in 
Hifpaniola  -,  to  which  place  his  brother  had 
removed  the  colony  in  his  abfence,  in  con- 
fequence  of  apian  preconcerted  between  them. 

Wearied  with  inceflant  care  and  watching, 
in  this  dangerous  voyage,  he  hoped  now  to 
enjoy  repofe  j  inftead  of  which  he  found  his 
colony  much  reduced  by  deaths ;  many  of 

the 


ii2  C  O  L  U  M  BUS. 

the  furvivors  fick,  with  a  difenfe,  the  peculiar 
confequence  of  their  debauchery  ;  and  a  large 
number  of  them  in  aclual  rebellion.  They 
had  formed  themfelves  into  a  body  ;  they  had 
gained  over  many  of  the  Indians,  under  pre 
tence  of  protecting  them  ;  and  they  had  retir 
ed  to  a  diilant  part  of  the  ifland,  which  prov 
ed  a  refort  for  the  feditious  and  difcontented. 
Their  commander  was  Francis  Roldan,  who 
had  been  Chief  Juflice  of  the  colony  ;  and  their 
number  was  fo  confiderable,  that  Columbus 
could  not  command  a  force  fufficient  to  fubdue 
them.  He  therefore  entered  into  a  negociation, 
by  offering  a  pardon  to  thofe  who  would  fubmit, 
and  liberty  of  returning  to  Spain  to  thofe  who 
defired  it.  Thefe  offers,  however  impolitic, 
proved  fuccefsful.  Roldan  himfelf  accepted 
them,  and  perfuaded~others  to  do  the  fame  ; 
then,  being  reflored  to  his  office,  he  tried  and 
condemned  the  refractory,  fome  of  whom 
were  put  to  death. 

An  account  of  this  mutiny  was  fent  home 
to  Spain  by  Columbus  and  another  by  Rol 
dan.  Each  had  their  advocates  at  court,  and 
the  caufe  was  heard  by  the  King  and  Queen. 
Roldan  and  his  men  were  accufed  of  adultery, 
perjury,  robbery,  murder,  and  difturbing  the 

peace 


COLUMBUS.  113 

peace  of  the  whole  ifland  ;  whilil  Columbus 
was  charged  with  cruelty  to  individuals,  aim 
ing  at  independence,  and  engroiTing  the  tribute. 
It  was  infinuated,that  not  being  a  native  of  Spain, 
he  had  no  proper  refped:  for  the  noble  fami 
lies,  who  had  become  adventurers  ;  and  that 
the  debts  due  to  them  could  not  be  recovered. 
It  was  fuggefted,  that  if  fome  remedy  were 
not  fpeedily  applied,  there  was  danger  that  he 
would  revolt,  and  join  with  forne other  Prince; 
and  that  to  compafs  this  defign,  he  had  con 
cealed  the  real  wealth  of  the  colony,  and  pre 
vented  the  converfion  of  the  Indians  to  the 
Catholic  faith. 

Thefe  iniinuations  prevailed  on  the  jea- 
loufy  of  Ferdinand,  and  even  ftaggered  the 
conftancy  of  Ifabella.  They  refolved  to  ap 
point  a  judge,  who  mould  examine  fadls  on 
the  fpot  -,  and  if  he  mould  find  the  Admiral 
guilty,  to  fuperfede  him.  For  this  purpofe 
they  fent  Francis  Bovadilla,  a  man  of  noble 
rank,  but  whofe  poverty  alone  recommended 
him  to  the  office.  Furniftied  with  thefe  pow 
ers,  he  arrived  at  St.  Domingo,  when  Colum 
bus  was  abfent  -,  took  lodgings  in  his  houfe  ; 
invited  acculers  to  appear  again  ft  him  -f  feized 
on  his  efFedts,  and  finally  fent  him  and  both 
H  his 


j  44  C  0  L  U  M  B  U  3. 

his  brothers  to  Spain  in  three  different  mips, 
but  all  loaded  with  irons. 

The  matter  of  the  fhip  in  which  the  Admiral 
failed  had  fo  much  refpect  for  him,  that, 
when  he  had  got  to  fea,  he  offered  to  take  off 
his  fetters  ;  but  Columbus  nobly  declared, 
that  he  would  permit  that  honour  to  be  done 
him,  by  none  but  his  fovereign.  In  this  hu 
miliating  confinement,  he  was  delivered  to 
Fonfeca,  Bifhop  of  Badajos,  who  had  been  the 
chief  iniligator  of  all  thefe  rigorous  proceed 
ings,  and  to  whom  had  been  committed  the 
affairs  of  the  Indies. 

Not  content  with  robbing  Columbus  of  his 
liberty,  this  prejudiced  ecclellaftic  would  have 
deprived  him  of  his  well  earned  reputation  of 
having  firft  difcovered  the  new  continent. 
With  the  accufations  which  Columbus  had 
fent  home  again  ft  Roldan,  he  had  tranfmitted 
an  account  of  the  difcovery  of  the  coaft  of 
Paria,  which  he  juflly  fuppofed  to  be  part 
of  a  continent.  Ojeda,  an  active  officer,  who 
had  failed  with  Columbus  in  his  fecond  voy 
age,  was  at  court  when  thefe  difpatches  arriv 
ed,  and  faw  the  draught  of  the  difcovery,  with 
the  fpecimens  of  gold  and  pearls,  which  the 
Admiral  had  fent  home.  Being  a  favourite 

of 


COLUMBUS.  115 

of  Fonfeca,  he  eafily  obtained  leave  to  purfue 
the  difcovery.      Some  merchants    of  Seville 
were  prevailed   upon  to   equip    four   fhips  ; 
with  which,    in    1499,   Ojeda  followed   the 
track  of  Columbus,  and  made  land  on  the  coafl 
of  Paria.      Amerigo    Vefpucci,  a  Florentine 
merchant,    well    fkilled    in     geography    and 
navigation,  accompanied  Ojeda  in  this  voyage  j 
and  by  publiming  the  firft   book    and    chart, 
defcribing  the  new  world,  obtained  the  hon 
our  of    having   it   called  AMERICA.     This 
however  did  not  happen  till  after  the  death  of 
Columbus.     Several   other   adventurers    fol 
lowed  the  fame  track,  and   all    fuppofed   that 
the  continent  which  they  had  feen,   was  part 
of  India. 

As  foon  as  it  was  known,  that  Columbus 
was  arrived  at  Cadiz,  (Nov.  5,  1500)  in  the 
difgraceful  fituation  abovementioned,  the  King 
and  Queen,  amamed  of  the  orders  which  they 
had  given,  commanded  him  to  be  releafed,  and 
invited  him  to  court,  where  they  apologized 
for  the  mifbehaviour  of  their  new  Governor, 
and  not  only  promifed  to  recal  him,  but  to 
reftore  to  the  Admiral  all  his  effects.  Co 
lumbus  could  not  forget  the  ignominy.  He 
preferved  the  fetters,  hung  them  up  in  his 
H  2  apartment, 


n6  COLUMBUS. 

apartment,  and  ordered  them  to  be  buried   in 
his  grave. 

Inflead  of  reinftating  him  in  his  government 
according  to  the  original  contract,  the  King 
and  Queen  fent  Ovando,  to  Hifpaniola,  to 
fuperfede  Bovadilla  ;  and  only  indulged  Co 
lumbus  in  purfuing  his  darling  projed:,  the 
difcovery  of  India  by  the  weft,  which  he  ftill 
hoped  to  accompliih.  He  failed  again  from 
Cadiz,  on  the  fourth  of  May,  1502  ;  with 
four  vefTels,  carrying  one  hundred  and  forty 
men  and  boys  ;  of-  which  number  were  his 
brother  Bartholomew  and  his  fon  Ferdinand, 
the  writer  of  his  life. 

In  his  paffage  to  the  Garibbee  iflands,  he 
found  his  largeft  veflel,  of  feventy  tons,  unfit 
for  the  fervice  ;  and  therefore  went  to  St.  Do 
mingo,  in  hope  of  exchanging  it  for' a  better; 
-ind  to  feek  flicker  from  aftorm  which  he  faw 
approaching.  To  his  infinite  iurprize  and 
mortification,  Ovando  would  not  admit  him 
into  the  port.  A  fleet  of  thirty  fhips  was 
then  ready  to  fail  for  Spain,  on  board  of  which 
Roldan  and  Bovadilla  were  prifoners.  Co- 
himbus  informed  Ovando,  of  the  prognoses 
which  he  had  obferved,  which  Ovando  difre- 
garded,  and  the  fleet  failed.  Columbus  then 

laid 


C  O'L  U.M  B  U  S.  117 

laid  three  of  his  veffels,  under  the  lee  of  the 
fhore  ;  and,  with  great  difficulty,  rode  out  the 
tempeft.  His  brother  put  to  fea  -,  and  by  his 
great  naval  flail  faved  the  {hip  in  which  he 
failed.  Of  the  fleet  bound  to  Spain,  eighteen 
{hips  were  loft,  and  in  them  perimed  Roldan 
and  Bovadilla. 

The  enemies  of  Columbus   gave  out   that 
he  had  raifed  this  {torm  by  the  art  of  magic ; 
and  fuch  was  the  ignorance  of  the  age,  that 
the  ftory  was  believed  :  What  contributed  the 
more  to  its  credit,  was,  that  one  of  the  worn; 
{hips  of  the  fleet,  on  board  of  which  were  all 
the  effects  which  had  been  faved  from  the  ru 
ined  fortune  of  Columbus,  was  the  firft  which 
arrived  in  Spain.     The  amount  of  thefe  effects 
was    "  four  thoufand   pefos  of  gold,   each  of 
the   value  of  eight   {hillings.'3     The  remark 
which   Ferdinando  Columbus  makes  on  this 
event,  fo  deftructive  to  theaccufers  of  his  father, 
is,    "I  am  fatisfied,  it  was  the  hand  of   GOD, 
who  was  pleafed  to  infatuate  them  ;   that  they 
might  not  hearken  to  good   advice  •,  for  had 
they  arrived  in  Spain,    they   had    never    been 
puniihed,  as  their  crimes  deferved  ;  but  rath 
er  favoured  and  preferred  as  being  the  Bimop's 

friends."*  After 

*  Chap.  88. 

H3 


ii8  COLUMBUS. 

After  this  ftorm,  and  another  which  foU 
lowed  it,  Columbus  having  collected  his  lit 
tle  fquadron,  failed  on  difcovery  toward  the 
continent  ;  and,  fleering  to  the  fouthweft, 
tarne  to  an  ifland  called  Guanania,  twelve 
leagues  from  the  coaft  of  Honduras  $  where  he 
met  with  a  large  covered  canoe,  having  on 
fcoard  feveral  pieces  of  cotton  cloth  of  divers 
colours,  which  the  people  faid  they  had 
brought  from  the  weft  ward.  The  men  were 
armed  with  fwords  of  wood,  in  which  fharp 
flints  were  ftrongly  fixed.  Their  provifion 
was  maize  and  roots,  and  they  ufed  the  ber 
ries  of  cocoa  as  money.  When  the  Admiral 
inquired  for  gold,  they  pointed  to  the  weft, 
and  when  he  afked  for  a  ftrait  by  which  he 
might  pafs  through  the  land,  they  pointed  to 
the  eaft.  From  the  fpecimens  of  coloured 
cloth,  he  imagined,  that  they  had  come  from 
India  -t  and  he  hoped  to  pafs  thither,  by  the 
ftrait  which  they  defcribed.  Purfuing  his 
courfe  to  the  eaft  and  fouth,  he  was  led  to  the 
gulf  of  Darien  ;  and  vifited  feveral  harbours 
among  which  was  one  which  he  called  Porto 
Bello  5  but  he  found  no  paflage  extending 
through  the  land.  He  then  returned  to  the 
weftwarfl  $  and  landed  on  the  coaft  of  Vera- 

gua; 


COLUMBUS.  119 

gua  -3  where  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the 
"country  invited  him  to  begin  a  plantation, 
which  he  called  Belem  ;  but  the  natives,  a 
fierce  and  formidable  race,  deprived  him  of  the 
honour  of  firft  eftabliming  a  colony  on  the 
continent,  by  killing  forne  of  his  people  and 
obliging  him  to  retire  with  the  others. 

At  fea,  he  met  with  tempeftuous  weather 
of  long  continuance ;  in  which  his  mips  were 
fo  Shattered,  that  with  the  utmoft  difficulty 
he  kept  them  above  water,  till  he  ran  them 
afhore  on  the  ifland  of  Jamaica.  By  his 
extraordinary  addrefs,  he  procured  from  the 
natives  two  of  their  largeft  canoes  ;  in  which 
two  of  his  moft  faithful  friends,  Mendez 
and  Fiefco,  accompanied  by  fome  of  his 
failors  and  a  few  Indians,  embarked  for  Hif- 
paniola.  After  encountering  the  greateft  dif 
ficulties,  in  their  paiTage,  they  carried  tidings 
of  his  misfortune  to  Ovando,  and  folicited  his 
aid.  The  mercilefs  wretch  detained  them 
eight  months,  without  an  anfwer  j  during 
which  time,  Columbus  fuffered  the  fevereft 
hardOiips,  from  the  difcontent  of  his  compa 
ny,  and  the  want  of  provifions.  By  the  hof- 
pitality  of  the  natives,  he  at  firft  received  fuch 
fupplies,  as  they  were  able  to  fpare ;  but  the 
H  4  long 


120  COLUMBUS. 

long  continuance  of  thefe  guefts  had   dimin- 
jfhed  their  flore,  and  the  infolence  of  the  mu 
tineers  gave  a  check  to  their   friendfhip.     In 
this  extremity,    the  fertile  invention   of  Co 
lumbus  fuggefted  an  expedient  which  proved 
fuccefsful.     He  knew  that  a  total   eclipfe   of 
the  moon  was  at  hand,  which  would   be  vifi- 
ble  in  the  evening.     On  the  preceding  day,  he 
fent  for  the  principal  Indians,   to   fpeak   with 
them,  on  a  matter  of  the  utmofl   importance. 
Being  aiTembled,  he  directed  his  interpreter  to 
tell  them,  that  the  GOD  of  heaven,  whom  he 
worshipped,  was  angry  with  them,  for  withold- 
ing  provifion  from  him,  and    would    puniih 
them  with  famine  and   peftilence  ;  as  a  tok 
en  of  which,  the  moon   would,   in  the  even 
ing,  appear  of  an  angry  and    bloody  colour. 
Some  of  them  received   his  fpeech  with    ter 
ror,  and  others  with  indifference  \  but    when 
the  moon  rofe,  and   the   eclipie   increafed  as 
me  advanced  from  the  horizon,  they  came  in 
crowds,  loaded  with  proviiion,  and  begged  the 
Admiral  to  intercede  with  his   GOD,  for   the 
removal  of  his  anger.   Columbus  retired  to  his 
cabin  -,    and  when  the  eclipfe  began  to  go  off, 
he  came  out  and  told  them,  that  he  had  pray 
ed  to  his  GOD,  and  had  received  this  anfwer  $ 

that 


COLUMBUS.  121 

that  if  they  would  be  good  for  the  future,  and 
bring  him  provifion  as  he  fhould  want,  GOD 
would  forgive  them  ;  and  as  a  token  of  it,  the 
moon  would  put  on  her  ufual  brightnefs. 
They  gave  him  thanks,  and  prcmifed  com 
pliance  ;  and  whilft  he  remained  on  the  ifland 
there  was  no  more  want  of  provifion. 

At  the  end  of  eight  months,  Ovando   fent 
a  fmall  veiTel  to  Jamaica,  with  a  calk  of  wine, 
two  flitches  of  bacon,  and  a  letter  of  compli 
ment  and  excufe,  which   the  officer   deliver 
ed  ;    and  without   waiting    for   an   anfwer, 
weighed  his  anchor  the  fame  evening  and  fail 
ed  back  to  Hifpaniola.   The  men  who  adhered 
to  Columbus  and  were  with  him  on  board  the 
wrecks,  wondered  at  the  fudden  departure  of 
the  veflel,  by  which  they  expected  deliverance. 
Columbus,  never  at  a  lofs  for  an  evafion,  told 
them  that  the  caravel  was  too  fmall  to  take  the 
whole  company,  and  he  would  not  go    with 
out  them.     This  fiction  had  the  defired  effecl: ; 
thofe  who  adhered  to  him  refumed  their   pa 
tience  -j  but  the  mutineers  became  fo  infolent 
that  it  was  neceflary  to  fubdue  them  by  force. 
In  the  conteft  ten  of  them  were  killed.     Por- 
ras,  their  leader,  was   made   prifoner   and  the 
others   efcaped.         Bartholomew   Columbus 

and 


12Z  COLUMBUS. 

and  two  others  of  the  Admiral's  party   were 
wounded,  of  whom  one  died. 

The  fugitives,  having  loft  their  leader, 
thought  it  befl  to  fubmit  ;  and  on  the  next 
day  fent  a  petition  to  the  Admiral,  confefling 
their  fault,  and  promifmg  fidelity.  This 
promife  they  confirmed  by  an  oath,  of  which 
the  imprecation  was  fingular  ;  "  they  re 
nounced,  in  cafe  of  failure,  any  abfolution  from 
Prieft,  Bimop,  or  Pope,  at  the  time  of  their 
death  ;  and  all  benefit  from  the  facraments  of 
the  Church  ;  confenting  to  be  buried  like 
heathens  and  infidels  in  the  open  field."  The 
Admiral  received  their  fubmiffion,  provided 
that  Porras  mould  continue  prifoner,  and  they 
would  accept  a  commander  of  his  appoint 
ment,  as  long  as  they  mould  remain  on  the 
ifland. 

At  length  a  vefTel,  which  Mendez  had 
been  permitted  to  buy,  with  the  Admiral's 
money,  at  Hifpaniola,  came  to  Jamaica,  and 
took  them  off.  On  their  arrival  at  St.  Do 
mingo  (Auguft  13,  1504)  Ovando  affe&ed 
great  joy,  and  treated  the  Admiral  with  a  (how 
ofrefpect ;  but  he  liberated  Porras,  and  threat 
ened  with  punimment  the  faithful  adherents 
of  Columbus.  As  foon  as  the  veflel  was  re 
fitted, 


COLUMBUS.  123 

fitted,  the  Admiral  took  leave  of  his  treach 
erous  hoft,  and,  with  his  brother,  fon,  and 
fervants,  embarked  for  Spain.  After  a  long 
and  diflreffing  voyage,  in  which  the  fliip  loft 
her  mails,  he  arrived  at  St.  Lucar,  in  MaJ 

*505- 

His  patronefs  Ifabella  had  been  dead  about 

a  year  ;  and  with  her,  had  expired  all  the 
favour  which  he  ever  enjoyed  in  the  Court 
of  Ferdinand,  Worn  out  with  ficknefs  and 
fatigue,  difgufted  with  the  infincerity  of  his 
Sovereign,  and  the  haughtinefs  of  his  courtiers, 
Columbus  lingered  out  a  year  in  fruitlefs  fo- 
licitation  for  his  violated  rights ;  till  death 
relieved  him  from  all  his  vexations.  He  died 
at  Valadolid,  on  the  twentieth  of  May,  1 506, 
in  the  59th  year  of  his  age  ;  and  was  buried 
in  the  cathedral  of  Seville,  with  this  infcrip- 
tion  on  his  Tomb, 

A   Caftilla  ya   Leon, 
Nuevo  Mundo  dio  Colon. 

Tranflated  thus. 
To  Caflile  and  Leon, 
Columbus  gave  a  new  World. 

In  the  life  of  this  remarkable  man    there 
is  no  deficiency  of  any   quality  which  can 

conflitute 


124  C  O  L  U  M  B  U  S. 

conftitute  a  truly  great  character.*  His 
genius  was  penetrating,  and  his  judgment 
folid.  He  had  acquired  as  much  knowledge 
of  the  fciences  as  could  be  obtained  at  that 
day  ;  and  he  corrected  what  he  had  learned, 
by  his  own  obfervations.  His  conftancy 
and  patience  were  equal  to  the  moft  hazard 
ous  undertakings.  His  fortitude  furmount- 
ed  many  difficulties  j  and  his  invention  ex 
tricated  him  out  of  many  perplexities.  His 
prudence  enabled  him  to  conceal  or  fubdue 
his  own  infirmities  ;  whilft  he  took  advan 
tage  of  the  paflions  of  others,  adjufling  his 
behaviour  to  his  circumftances  ;  temporiz 
ing,  or  acting  with  vigour,  as  the  occafion 
required. 

His  fidelity  to  the  ungrateful  Prince,  whom 
he  ferved,  and  whole  dominions  he  enlarged, 
mufl  render  him  forever  confpicuous  as  an 
example  of  juflice;  and  his  attachment  to  the 
Queen,  by  whofe  influence  he  was  raifed  and 
fupported,  will  always  be  a  monument  of  his 
gratitude. 

To  his  other  excellent  qualities  maybe  add 
ed  his  piety.  He  always  entertained,  and  on 

proper 

*  Some  of  thefe  obfervations  are  taken  from  Dr.  Campbell's 
account  of  European  fcttlements  in  America,  Vol.  I.  Chap,  vhi. 


C  O  L  U  M  B  U  S.'  12-5- 

proper  occafions  exprefied,  a  reverence  for  the 
Deity,  and  a  firm  confidence  in  his  care  and 
protection.  In  his  declining  days,  the  conta 
in  tions  'of  religion  were  his  chief  fupport  ; 
and  his  laft  words  were,  "  Into  thy  hands,  O 
Lord,  I  commend  my  fpirit." 

The  perfecution  and  injuftice  which  he 
fuftered,  may  be  traced  up  to  the  contract, 
which  he  infilled  on,  before  he  engaged  in 
the  plan  of  difcovery.  That  a  foreigner 
mould  attain  fo  high  a  rank  as  to'  bs  "Viceroy 
for  life,  and  that  the  honour  of  an  'Admiral 
fhould  be  hereditary  in  his  family,  to  the  ex- 
clufion  of  all  the  nobles  of  Spain,  was  more 
than  their  pride  and  jealoufy  could  endure  -, 
and  they  conftantly  endeavoured  to  depreciate 
his  merit  j  the  only  foundation  on  which  his 
honours  were  erected. 

There  is  a  ftory  recorded  by  Peter  Martyr, 
a  contemporary  hiftorian,  which  exemplifies 
their  malice,  and  his  ingenuity  in  rifing  fupe- 
rior  to  it.  After  the  death  of  the  Queen,  the 
nobility  afFefted  to  infinuate,  that  his  difcov- 
eries  were  more  the  refult  of  accident  and  good 
fortune,  than  of  any  well  concerted  meafures. 
One  day  at  a  public  dinner,  Columbus  having 
borne  much  infulting  raillery  on  that  head, 

at 


126  COLUMBUS. 

at  length  called  for  an  egg,  and  afked  whether 
any  of  them  could  fet  it  upright  on  its    little 
end.     They  all  confefTed  it  to  be   impofiible. 
Columbus  flriking  it  gently,  flatted  the   fhell 
till  it  flood  upright  on  the   table.     The  com 
pany,    with    a    difdainful     fneer,    cryed    out, 
*'  Anybody  might  have  done  it." — "  Yes  (faid 
Columbus)  but  none  of  you  thought  of  it;  fo 
I   difcovered   the  Indies,  and  now   every  pilot 
can  fleer  the  fame  courfe.  Many  things  appear 
eafy  wjaeo^  pnce  performed,   though   before, 
they  were,  thought   impoffible.     Remember 
the  feoffs  that  were  thrown  at   me,    before   I 
put  my  defign  in   execution.     Then  it  was  a 
dream,  a  chimera,  a  delufion  j  now  it  is  what 
any   body    might   have  done   as    well  as  I." 
When  this  flory  was  told   to    Ferdinand,   he 
could  .not  but  admire   the   grandeur   of  that 
fpirit,  which  at  the  fame  time  he  was  endeav 
ouring  to  deprefs. 

Writers  of  different  countries  have  treated 
the  character  of  Columbus  according  to  their 
prejudices,  either  national  cr  perfonal.  It  is 
furprifing  to  obferve,  how  thefe  prejudices 
have  defcended ;  and  that  even  at  the  diftance 
of  three  centuries,  there  are  fome,  who  affect 
to  deny  him  the  virtues  for  which  he  was  con- 

fpicucus, 


COLUMBUS.  127 

fpicuous,  and  the  merit  of  originating  a  dii- 
covery,  \vhich  is  an  honour  to  human  reafon. 
His  humanity  has  been  called  in  queftion, 
becaufe  he  carried  dogs  to  the  Weft  Indies, 
and  employed  them  in  extirpating  the  natives. 
The  truth  is,  that  in  his  fecond  expedition 
he  was  accompanied  by  a  number  of  gentle 
men  of  the  beil  families  in  Spain.;  and  many 
more  would  have  gone  if  it  had  been  poffible 
to  accommodate  them.  Thefe  gentlemen  car 
ried  with  them  "  horfes,  afles  and  other  beafts, 
which  were  of  great  ufe  in  a  new  plantation." 
The  conflict  which  Columbus  had  with  the 
natives  was  in  confequence  of  the  diforderly 
conduct  of  thefe  Spaniards  j  who,  in  his  ab- 
fence,  had  taken  their  goods,  abufed  their 
women  and  committed  other  outrages,  which 
the  Indians  could  not  endure,  and  therefore 
made  war  upon  them.  In  this  war  he  found 
his  colony  engaged,  when  he  returned  from 
his  voyage  to  Cuba ;  and  there  was  no  way 
to  end  it,  but  by  purfuing  it  with  vigour. 
With  two  hundred  Spaniards,  of  whom  -twen 
ty  were  mounted  on  "  horfes  followed  by  as 
many  dogs,"  he  encountered  a  numerous  body 
of  Indians,  eftimated  at  one  hundred  thoufand, 
on  a  large  plain.  He  divided  his  men  into 

two 


COLUMBUS. 

two  parties,  and  attacked  them  on  two  fides  > 
the  noife  of  the  fire  arms,  foon  difperfed 
them,  and  the  horfes  and  dogs  prevented  them 
from  rallying ;  and  thus  a  complete  victory 
was  obtained.  In  this  inftance  alone,  were 
the  dogs  ufed  againft  the  natives.  They  nat 
urally  followed  their  matters  into  the  field, 
and  the  horfes  to  which  they  were  accuftom- 
cd  ;  but  to  fuppofe  that  Columbus  tranfported 
them  to  the  Weft  Indies,  with  a  view  to  dc- 
flroy  the  Indians,  appears  altogether  idle, 
when  it  is  coniidered  that  the  number  is  rec 
koned  only  at  twenty.  Excepting  in  this 
in  (lance,  where  he  was  driven  by  neceflity, 
there  is  no  evidence,  that  he  made  war  on  the 
natives  of  the  Weft  Indies  ;  on  the  contrary, 
he  endeavoured  as  far  as  poffible  to  treat  them 
with  juftice  and  gentlenefs.  The  fame  can- 
JB  oe  faid  of  thofe  who  fucceeded  him. 

Attempts  have  alfo  been  made  to  detract 
from  hjs  merit,  as  an  original  difcoverer  of  the 
New  World.  The  moft  fuccefsful  candidate, 
who  has  been  fet  up  as  a  rival  to  him,  is 
MARTIN  BEHAIM  of  Nuremberg  in  Ger 
many.  His  claim  to  a  prior  difcovery  has 
been  fo  well  contefted,  and  the  vanity  of  it  fo 
fully  expofed  by  the  late  Dr.  Robertfon,  that 

I  mould 


COLUMBUS.  129 

I  mould  not  have  thought  of  adding  anything 
to  what  he  has  written*  had  not  a  memoir  ap 
peared  in  the  fecond  volume  of  the  Tranfac- 
tions  of  the  American  Philofophical  Society* 
at  Philadelphia,  in  which  the  pretenfions  of 
Behaim  are  revived  by  M.  OTTO  ;  who  has 
produced  fome  authorities  which  he  had  ob 
tained  from  Nuremberg)  an  imperial  city  of 
Germany,  and  which  appear  to  him,  "to 
eflablifh  in  the  cleareft  manner  a  difcovery  of 
America  anterior  to  that  of  Columbus." 

It  is  conceded  that  Behaim  was  a  man  of 
learning  and  enterprife  -t  that  he  was  contem 
porary  with  Columbus,  and  was  his  friend  j 
that  he  purfued  the  fame  fludies  and  drew  the 
fame  conclusions ;  that  he  was  employed  by 
King  John  II.  in  making  difcoveries ;  and* 
that  he  met  with  deferved  honour  for  the  im 
portant  fervices  which  he  rendered  to  the 
crown  of  Portugal.  But,  there  are  fuch  dif 
ficulties  attending  the  ftory  of  his  difcovering 
America,  as  appear  to  me  infuperable.  Thefe 
I  mail  ftate  •  together  with  fome  remarks  On 
the  authorities  produced  by  M.  Otto. 

The  firft  of  his  authorities  contains  feveral 
aflertions  which  are  contradicted  by  other  hif- 
I  tories ; 

*  No-  35>  P-  263' 


i3o  COLUMBUS. 

tories  ;*  (i .)  That  Ifabella,  daughter  of  John, 
King  of  Portugal,  reigned  after  the  death  of 
Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  furnamed  the 
Good.  (2.)  That  to  this  lady,  when  regent 
of  the  Dutchy  of  Burgundy  and  Flanders, 
Behaim  paid  a  vifit  in  1459.  And  (3.)  that 
having  informed  her  of  his  defigns,  he  pro 
cured  a  veflel  in  which  he  made  the  difcovery 
of  the  ifland  of  Fayal,  in  1460. 

It  is  true  that  Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy 
and  Flanders,  lurnamed  the  Good,  married 
Ifabella  the  daughter  of  John  I,  King  of  Por 
tugal  ;  but  Philip  did  not  die  till  1467,  and 
was  immediately  fucceeded  by  his  fon  Charles, 
furnamed  the  Bold,  then  thirty  four  years  of 
age.  There  could  therefore  have  been  no 
interregnum,  nor  female  regent  after  the  death 
of  Philip  ;  and  if  there  had  been,  the  time  of 
Behaim's  vifit  will  not  correfpond  with  it ; 
that  being  placed  in  1459,  eight  years  before 
the  death  of  Philip.  Such  a  miftake,  in 
point  of  fact,  and  of  chronology,  is  fufficient 
to  induce  a  fufpicion  that  the  "  archives  of 
Nuremberg"  are  too  deficient  in  accuracy  to 
be  depended  on  as  authorities. 

With 

*  Memoirs  of  Philip  de  Comines.     Mezeray's  and  Renault's 
hiftory  of  France.     Collier's  Didionary. 


COLUMBUS.  131 

With  refpect  to  the  difcovery  of  Fayal,  in 
1460,  M.  Otto  acknowledges  that  it  is  «'  con 
trary  to  the  received  opinion  ;"  and  well  he 
might ;  for  the  firft  of  the  Azores,  St.  Maria, 
was  difcovered  in  1431  -f  the  fecond,  St.  Mi 
chael,  in  1444;  the  third,  Terceira,  in  1445; 
and  before  1449,  the  iilands,  St.  George, 
Graciofa,  Fayal  and  Pico,  were  known  to  the 
Portuguefe.*  However  true  it  may  be  that 
Behaim  fettled  in  the  ifland  of  Fayal,  and  liv 
ed  there  twenty  years ;  yet  his  claim  to  the 
difcovery  of  it  muft  have  a  better  foundation 
than  the  "  archives  of  Nuremberg,"  before  it 
can  be  admitted. 

The  genuine  account  of  the  fettlement  of 
Fayal,  and  the  intereft  which  Behaim  had  in 
it,  is  thus  related  by  Dr.  Forfter,  a  German 
author  of  much  learning  and  good  credit. 

"After  the  death  of  the  infant  Don  Henry 
[which  happened  in  1463,]  the  ifland  of  Fayal 
was  made  a  prefent  of  by  [his  fifler]  IfabelJa, 
Dutchefs  of  Burgundy,  to  Jobft  von  Hurter, 
a  native  of  Nuremberg.  Hurter  went  in 
1466,  with  a  colony  of  more  than  2000  Flem 
ings  of  both  fexes,  to  his  property,  the  ifle  of 
Fayal.  The  Dutchefs  had  provided  the  Flem- 
I  2  ifh 

*  Forfter's  hiflory  of  voyages  and  difcoverics,  p.  256,  257, 
Dublin  edition. 


132  C  O  L  U  M  B  U  S- 

iih  emigrants  with  all  nccefTaries  for  two  years, 
and  the  colony  foon  increafed.  About  the 
year  1486,  Martin  Behaim  married  a  daugh 
ter  of  the  Chevalier  Jobfl  von  Hurter,  and 
had  a  fon  by  her  named  Martin. — Jobfl  von 
Hurter,  and  Martin  Behaim,  both  natives  of 
Nuremberg,  were  Lords  of  Fayal  and  Pico."* 
The  date  of  the  fuppofed  difcovery  of  Ame 
rica,  by  Behaim,  is  placed  by  M.  Otto,  in 
1484,  eight  years  before  the  celebrated  voyage 
of  Columbus.  In  the  fame  year  we  are  told-j- 
that  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Huelva  was  driven 
by  a  ftorm  to  the  weft  ward  for  twenty  nine 
days  ;  and  faw  an  ifland,  of  which  at  his  re 
turn  he  gave  information  to  Columbus.  From 
both  thefe  fuppofed  difcoveries  this  conclu- 
lion  is  drawn,  "  That  Columbus  would  never 
have  thought  of  this  expedition  to  America, 
had  not  Behaim  gone  there  before  him." 
Whether  it  be  fuppofed  that  Behaim  and 
Sanchez  failed  in  the  fame  fhip,  or  that  they 
made  a  difcovery  of  two  different  parts  of  A- 
merica,  in  the  fame  year,  it  is  not  eafy  to  un- 
derftand  from  the  authorities  produced  ;  but 

what 

*  Forfler's  hiftory  of  voyages  and  difcoveriesjp.  257,  258,  259. 
•f  GarcilafTo  de  la  Vega's  Royal  commentaries.     Preface.  Pur- 
cbas.  vol.  v,  p.  1454. 


COLUMBUS.  133 

what  deftroys  the  credibility  of  this  plau(lbl« 
tale,  is,  that  Columbus  had  formed  his  theo 
ry,  and  projected  his  voyage,  at  leaft  ten  years 
before ;  as  appears  by  his  correfpondence  with 
Paul,  a  learned  phyfician  of  Florence,  which 
bears  date  in  1474.*  It  is  uncertain  at  what 
time  Columbus  firfl  made  his  application  to 
the  King  of  Portugal,  to  fit  him  out  for  a 
weftern  voyage  -,  but  it  is  certain  that  after  a 
negociation  with  him  on  the  fubjecl:,  and  after 
he  had  found  out  the  fecret  and  unfuccefsful 
attempt,  which  had  been  made  to  anticipate  a 
difcovery ;  he  quitted  that  kingdom  in  dif- 
guft,  and  went  into  Spain,  in  the  latter  end 
of  the  year  1484.  The  authority  of  thefe 
fads  is  unquestioned  ;  and  from  them  it  fully 
appears,  that  a  prior  difcovery  of  America,  by 
Behaim  or  Sanchez,  made  in  1484,  could  not 
have  been  the  foundation  of  the  enterprife  of 
Columbus. 

M.  Otto  fpeaks  of  letters  written  by  Be 
haim  in  1486,  in  the  German  language,  and 
preferved  in  the  "archives  of  Nuremberg" 
which  fupport  this  claim  to  a  prior  difcovery. 
As  thefe  letters  are  not  produced,  no  certain 
opinion  can  be  formed  concerning  them  ;  but 
I  3  from 

*  Life,  chap,  viii, 


I34  COLUMBUS. 

from  the  date  of  the  letters,  and  from  the 
voyages  which  Behaim  actually  performed  in 
the  two  preceding  years,  we  may  with  great 
probability  fuppofe,  that  they  related  to  the 
difcovery  of  Congo,  in  Africa ;  to  which  Be 
haim  has  an  uncontroverted  claim. 

I  will  now  ftate  the  fads  relative  to  this 
event,  partly  from  the  authorities  cited  by  M. 
Otto  ;  and  partly  from  others. 

Dr.  Robertfon  places  the  difcovery  of  Con 
go  and  Benin  in  1483,  and  with  him  Dr. 
Forfter  agrees.  The  authors  of  the  modern 
univerfal  hiftory*  fpeak  of  two  voyages  to 
that  coaft  ;  the  firft  in  1484,  the  fecond  in 
1485;  both  of  which  were  made  by  Diego 
Cam,"!-  who  is  faid  to  have  been  one  of  the 
moft  expert  failors  and  of  an  enterprifing  gen 
ius.  From  the  chronicle  of  Hartman  Schedl, 
as  quoted  by  M.  Otto,  we  are  informed,  that 
Behaim  failed  with  Cam,  in  thefe  voyages, 
which  arc  defcribed  in  the  following  terms. 
"  Thefe  two,  by  the  bounty  of  heaven,  coaft- 
ing  along  the  fouthern  ocean,  and  having 

crofTed 


*  Vol. 


P-  *33>  »35» 

+  Diego  is  the  Spanifli  name  of  James,  in  Latin  Jacobus,  ana 
in  Portuguefe,  Jago.  Cam  is  in  Latin,  Camus  or  Canus,  and  in 
Spanifli,  Cano  ;  thefe  different  names  are  found  in  different  auth 
or?. 


COLUMBUS.  13$ 

eroffed  the  equator,  got  into  the  other  hem- 
ifphere  ;  where,  facing  to  the  eaftivard,  their 
fhadows  projected  toward  the  fouth,  and  right 
hand."  No  words  could  be  more  completely 
descriptive  of  a  voyage  from  Portugal  to  Con 
go,  as  any  perfon  may  be  Satisfied  by  infpedl:- 
ing  a  map  of  Africa  ;  but  how  could  M.  Otto 
imagine  that  the  difcovery  of  America  was 
accomplimed  in  fuch  a  voyage  as  this  ?  "  Hav 
ing  finimed  this  cruize  (continues  Schedl)  in 
the  fpaceof  26  months,  they  returned  to  Por 
tugal,  with  the  lofs  of  many  of  their  feamen, 
by  the  violence  of  the  climate."  This  latter 
circumftance  alfo  agrees  very  well  with  the 
climate  of  the  African  coaft  ;*  but  Schedl 
fays  not  a  word  of  the  difcovery  of  America. 
M.  Otto  goes  on  to  tell  us  "that  the  moft 
pofitive  proof  of  the  great  Services  rendered  to 
the  crown  of  Portugal  by  Behaim,  is  the  rec- 
ompenfe  beftowed  on  him  by  King  John  II ; 
who,  in  the  moft  Solemn  manner,  knighted 
him,  in  the  prefence  of  all  his  court."  Then 
follows  a  particular  detail  of  the  ceremony  of 
inftallation,  as  performed  on  the  i8th  of  Feb 
ruary,  1485,  and  M.  Otto  fairly  owns  that 
this  was  "a  reward  for  the  difcovery  of  Con- 
1 4  f  go." 

*  See  Brookes'  Gazetteer,  Benin. 


136  COLUMBUS. 

go."     Now  let  us  bring  the  detached  parts  of 
the  ftory  together. 

Behaim  was  knighted  on  the  1 8th  of  Feb 
ruary,  1485,  for  the  difcovery  of  Congo,  in. 
which  he  had  been  employed  26  months  pre 
ceding  ;  having  within  that  time  made  two 
voyages  thither,  in  company  with  Diego  Cam. 
It  will  follow  then  that  the  whole  of  the  pre 
ceding  years,  1484  and  1483,  were  taken  up 
in  thefe  two  voyages.  This  agrees  very  well 
with  the  accounts  of  the  difcovery  of  Congo, 
in  Robertfon  and  Forfter,  and  does  not  difa- 
gree  with  the  modern  univerfal  hiftorya  as  far 
as  the  year  1484  is  concerned  j  which  unfor 
tunately  is  the  year  affigned  for  Behaim's  dif 
covery  of  "  that  part  of  America  called  Brafil, 
and  his  failing  even  to  the  flraits  of  Magel 
lan." 

The  only  thing  in  M.  Otto's  memoir 
which  bears  any  refemblance  to  a  folution  of 
this  difficulty  is  this.  "  We  may  fuppofe 
that  Behaim,  engaged  in  an  expedition  to 
Congo,  was  driven  by  the  winds  to  Fernam- 
bouc,  and  from  thence  by  the  currents  tow 
ard  the  coaft  of  Guiana."  But  fuppofitions 
without  proof  will  avail  little  ;  and  fuppofi 
tions  againft  proof  will  avail  nothing.  The 

two 


COLUMBUS.  137 

two  voyages  to  Congo  are  admitted.  The 
courfe  is  defcribed  j  and  the  time  is  determin 
ed  ;  and  both  thefe  arc  directly  oppofed  to  the 
fuppofition  of  his  being  driven  by  winds  and 
currents  to  America.  For  if  he  had  been 
driven  out  of  his  courfe  and  had  fpent  "  fever- 
al  years  in  examining  the  American  iflands, 
and  difcovering  the  ftrait  which  bears  the 
name  of  Magellan  $"  and  if  one  of  thofe  years 
was  the  year  1484,  then  he  could  not  have 
fpent  26  months  preceding  February,  1485, 
in  the  difcovery  of  Congo  -,  but  of  this  we 
have  full  and  fatisfa&ory  evidence ;  the  difcov 
ery  of  America  therefore  muft  be  given  up. 

There  is  one  thing  further  in  this  memoir 
which  deferves  a  particular  remark,  and  that 
is  the  reafon  afligned  by  M.  Otto,  for  which 
the  King  of  Portugal  declined  the  propofal  of 
Columbus  to  fail  to  India  by  the  weft.  "The 
refufal  of  John  II.  is  a  proof  of  the  knowl-, 
edge  which  that  politic  prince  had  already 
procured,  of  the  exiflence  of  a  new  continent, 
which  offered  him  only  barren  lands,  inhabit 
ed  by  unconquerable  favages."  This  knowl 
edge  is  fuppofed  to  have  been  derived  from 
the  difcoveries  made  by  Behaim.  But,  not 
to  urge  again  the  chronological  difficulty  with 

which 


which  this  conjecture  is  embarraffed,  I  will 
take  notice  of  two  circumftances  in  the  life  of 
Columbus,  which  militate  with  this  idea. 
The  firft  is,  that  when  Columbus  had  pro- 
pofed  a  weftern  voyage  to  King  John,  and  he 
declined  it,  "  The  King,  by  the  advice  of  one 
Doctor  Calzadilla,  refolved  to  fend  a  caravel 
privately,  to  attempt  that  which  Columbus 
had  propofed  to  him ;  becaufe  in  cafe  thofe 
countries  were  fo  difcovered,  he  thought  him- 
fclf  not  obliged  to  beftow  any  great  reward. 
Having  fpeedily  equipped  a  caravel,  which  was 
to  carry  fupplies  to  the  iflands  of  Cabo  Verde, 
he  fent  it  that  way  which  the  Admiral  propof 
ed  to  go.  But  thofe  whom  he  fent  wanted 
the  knowledge,  conftancy  and  fpirit  of  the 
Admiral.  After  wandering  many  days  upon 
the  fea,  they  turned  back  to  the  iflands  of 
Cabo  Verde,  laughing  at  the  undertaking,  and 
faying  it  was  impoffible  there  foould  b&  a?jy  land 
in  t/jq/ejeas."* 

Afterward,  "the  King  being  fen fible  how 
faulty  they  were  whom  he  had  fent  with  the 
caravel,  had  a  mind  to  reftore  the  Admiral  to 
his  favour,  and  defired  that  he  mould  renew 
the  difcourfe  of  his  enterprize  ;  but  not  being 

fo 

*  Life  of  Columbus,  chap.  xi. 


COLUMBUS. 

To  diligent  to  put  this  in  execution,  as  the 
Admiral  was  in  getting  away,  he  loft  that 
good  opportunity ;  the  Admiral,  about  the 
end  of  the  year  1484,  flole  away  privately  out 
of  Portugal  for  fear  of  being  flopped  by  the 
King/'  This  account  does  not  agree  with 
the  fuppofition  of  a  prior  difcovery. 

The  other  circumflance  is  an  interview 
which  Columbus  had  with  the  people  of  Lif- 
bon,  and  the  King  of  Portugal,  on  his  return 
from  his  firfl  voyage.  For  it  fo  happened 
that  Columbus  on  his  return  was  by  ftrefs  of 
weather  obliged  to  take  melter  in  the  port  of 
Lifbon ;  and  as  foon  as  it  was  known  that 
he  had  come  from  the  Indies,  "the  people 
thronged  to  fee  the  natives  whom  he  had 
brought  and  hear  the  news  ;  fo  that  the  cara 
vel  would  not  contain  them.  Some  of  them 
praifing  God  for  fo  great  a  happinefs  ;  others 
ftorming  that  they  had  loft  the  difcovery  through 
their  Kings  incredulity ." 

When  the  King  fent  for  Columbus,  "he 
was  doubtful  what  to  do ;  but  to  take  off  all 
fufpicion  that  he  came  from  his  conquefts,  he 
confentcd."  At  the  interview,  "the  King 
offered  him  all  that  he  ftood  in  need  of  for 
fervice  of  their  Catholic  Majefties,  though 

he 


1 4e  COLUMBUS. 

he  thought,  that  forafmuch  as  he  bad  been  a 
Captain  in  Portugal,  that  conqueft  belonged 
to  him.  To  which  the  Admiral  anfwered, 
that  he  knew  of  no  fuch  agreement,  and  that 
he  had  ftriftly  obferved  his  orders,  which 
were  not  to  go  to  the  mines  of  Portugal,  [the 
gold  coaft]  nor  to  Guinea."*  Had  John  II. 
heard  of  Behaim's  voyage  to  a  weftern  conti 
nent,  would  he  not  have  claimed  it  by  priority 
of  difcovery,  rather  than  by  the  commiflion 
which  Columbus  had  formerly  borne  in  his 
fervice  ?  Had  fuch  a  prior  difcovery  been 
made,  could  it  have  been  concealed  from  the 
people  of  Lifbon  ?  And  would  they  have  been 
angry  that  their  King  had  loft  it  by  his  in 
credulity  ?  Thefe  circumftances  appear  to 
me  to  carry  fufficient  evidence,  that  no  difcov 
ery  of  America  prior  to  that  of  Columbus 
had  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  King  of 
Portugal. 

In  anfwer  to  the  queftion  "  Why  are  we 
iearching  the  archives  of  an  imperial  city  for 
the  caufes  of  an  event,  which  took  place  in 
the  weftern  extremity  of  Europe  ?"  M.  Otto 
gives  us  to  underftand,  that  "  from  the  four 
teenth  to  the  fixteenth  centuries,  the  Germans 

were 

•  Life,   chap,  xli.. 


COLUMBUS.  J4t 

were  the  befl  geographers,  the  beft  hiftorians 
and  the  mofl  enlightened  politicians."  Not 
to  detract  from  the  merit  of  the  German  lite 
rati  of  thofe  ages,  I  think  we  may  give  equal 
credit  to  a  learned  German  author  of  the  pre- 
fent  age,  Dr.  John  Reinhold  Forfter ;  who 
appears  to  have  a  thorough  underftanding  of 
the  claims  not  only  of  his  own  countrymen, 
but  of  others.  In  his  indefatigable  refearches 
into  the  difcoveries  which  have  been  made  by 
all  nations,  though  he  has  given  due  credit  to 
the  adventures  of  Behaim  in  Congo  and  Fayal, 
yet  he  has  not  faid  one  word  of  his  vifiting 
America ;  which  he  certainly  would  have 
done,  if  in  his  opinion  there  had  been  any 
foundation  for  it. 

LETTERS  from  PAUL,  a  Phyfician  of  Flor 
ence,  to  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS, 
concerning  the  Difcovery  of  the  Indies. 

L  E  r  r  E  R  i. 

To  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS,  PAUL  the 

Phyjidan  wifheth  health. 
I  PERCEIVE  your  noble  and  earneft  defire 
t%fail  to  thofe  parts  where  the  fpice  is  pro 
duced  j  and  therefore  in   anfwer  to  a  letter 

of 


I42  C  O  L  U  M  B  U  S. 

of  yours,  I  fend  you  another  letter,  which 
fome  days  fmce  I  wrote  to  a  friend  of  mine, 
and  fervant  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  before 
tbe  wars  of  Caftile,  in  anfvver  to  another  he 
wrote  to  me  by  his  highnefs's  order,  upon 
this  fame  account  -t  and  I  fend  you  another 
fea  chart  like  that  I  fent  him,  which  will  fat- 
isfy  your  demands.  The  copy  of  the  letter 
is  this. 

T'o  FERDINAND  MARTINEZ,  canon  of  Lif- 
bon,  PAUL  the  Phyfician  ivifteth  health. 
I  AM  very  glad  to  hear  of   the  familiarity 
you  have  with  your  moil  ferene  and   magnif 
icent   King  ;    and   though  I  have   very   often 
difcourfed  concerning  the  Jhort  way   there    is 
from  hence  to  the  Indies,  where  the   fpice   is 
produced,  by  fea,   which  I  look   upon    to   be 
ihorter  than  that  you    take   by   the   coafl   of 
Guinea  ;  yet  you  now  tell  me  that  his  high- 
nefs  would  have  me  make  out  and  demonftrate 
it,  fo  as  it  may  be  underftood  and  put  in  prac 
tice.     Therefore,  though  I  could  better  {how 
it  him  with  a  globe   in  my  hand,   and   make 
him  fenfible  of  the  figure  of  the    world  ;  yet 
I  have  refolved  to  render  it  more  eafy  and  in 
telligible,  to  mow  this  way  upon  a  chart,  fuch 
as  are  ufed  in  navigation  ;  and  therefore  I  fend 

one 


COLUMBUS.  143 

one  to  his  majefty,  made  and  drawn  with  my  . 
own  hand  ;  wherein  is  fet  down  the  utmoft 
bounds  of  the  weft,  from  Ireland  in  the  north, 
to  the  farthefl  part  of  Guinea,  with  all  the 
iflands  that  lie  in  the  way.  Oppofitc  to  which 
weftern  coaft  is  defcribed  the  beginning  of  the 
Indies,  with  the  iflands  and  places  whither 
you  may  go,  and  how  far  you  may  bend  from 
the  north  pole  toward  the  equinodtial,  and  for 
how  long  a  time  -t  that  is,  how  many  leagues 
you  may  fail,  before  you  come  to  thofe  places 
moft  fruitful  in  all  forts  of  fpice,  jewels  and 
precious  ftones.  Do  not  wonder  if  I  term 
that  country,  where  the  fpice  grows,  weft,  that 
product  being  generally  afcribed  to  the  eaft  ; 
becaufc  thofe  who  mall  fail  weftward  will 
always  find  thofe  places  in  the  weft  -t  and  they 
that  travel  by  land  eaftward  will  ever  find 
thofe  places  in  the  eaft.  The  ftrait  lines 
that  lie  lengthways  in  the  chart,  fhew  the 
diftance  there  is  from  weft  to  eaft  ;  the  others 
crofs  them,  mew  the  diftance  from  north  to 
fouth.  I  have  alfo  marked  down  in  the  faid 
chart,  feveral  places  in  India,  where  mips 
might  put  in  upon  any  ftorm,  or  contrary 
winds,  or  any  other  accident  unforefeen. 

Moreover  to  give  you  full  information  of  all 
thofe  places  which  you  are  very  defirous  to 

know; 


i44  COLUMBUS* 

know  -,  you  muft  underftand,  that  none  but 
traders  live  or  refide  in  all  thole  iflands,  and 
that  there  is  as  great  number  of  fhips  and  fea- 
faring  people  with  merchandife,  as  in  any 
other  part  of  the  world  >,  particularly  in  a 
mod  noble  port  called  Zatton,  where  there 
are  every  year  a  hundred  large  fhips  of  pepper, 
loaded  and  unloaded,  befides  many  other  mips 
dial  take  in  other  fpice. 

This  country  is  mighty  populous,  and  there 
are  many  provinces  and  kingdoms,  and  innu 
merable  cities  under  the  dominion  of  a  prince 
called  the  Kbam,  which  name  (ignifies,  King 
of  Kings ;  who  for  the  moft  part  refides  in  the 
Province  of  Cathay.  His  predecefTors  were 
very  defirous  to  have  commerce  and  be  in  amity 
with  Chriftians ;  and  200  years  fince,  fent 
ambafladors  to  the  Pope;  defiring  him  to 
fend  them  many  learned  men  and  doctors  to 
teach  them  our  faith ;  but  by  reafon  of  fome 
obftacles  the  ambafTadors  met  with,  they  re 
turned  back,  without  coming  to  Rome. 

Befides,  there  came  an  ambafTador  to  Pope 
Eugenius  IV.  who  told  him  the  great  friend- 
fhip  there  was  between  thofe  princes,  their 
people,  and  the  Chriftians.  I  difcourfed  with 
him  a  long  while  upon  the  feveral  matters  of 

the 


COLUMBUS.  145 

the  grandeur  of  their  royal  ftrucliures,  and  of 
the  greatnefs,  length  and  breadth  of  their  riv 
ers.  He  told  me  many  wonderful  things  of 
the  multitude  of  towns  and  cities  founded  a- 
long  the  banks  of  the  rivers ;  and  that  there 
were  200  cities  upon  one  river  only,  with 
marble  bridges  over  it,  of  a  great  length  and 
breadth,  and  adorned  with  abundance  of  pil 
lars.  This  country  deferves  as  well  as  any 
other  to  be  difcovered  ;  and  there  may  not 
only  be  great  profit  made  there,  and  many 
things  of  value  found,  but  alfo  gold,  filver, 
all  forts  of  precious  ftones,  and  fpiccs  in 
abundance,  which  are  not  brought  into  our 
parts.  And  it  is  certain,  that  many  wife  men, 
philofophers,  aftrologers,  and  other  perfons 
/killed  in  all  arts,  and  very  ingenious,  govern 
that  mighty  province,  and  command  their 
armies. 

From  Lifbon  diredtly  weftward,  there  are 
in  the  chart  26  fpaces,  each  of  which  contains 
250  miles,  to  the  moil  noble  and  vafl  city  of 
£>U2fay9  which  is  i  oo  miles  in  compafs,  that 
is  35  leagues  ;  in  it  there  are  ten  marble 
bridges.  The  name  fignifies  a  heavenly  city  ; 
of  which,  wonderful  things  are  reported,  as 
to  the  ingenuity  of  the  people,  the  buildings 
K  and 


i46  COLUMBUS. 

and  the  revenues.  This  fpace  abovemention- 
ed  is  almoft  the  third  part  of  the  globe.  This 
city  is  in  the  province  of  Mango,  bordering 
on  that  of  Cathay,  where  the  King  for  the  mofl 
part  refides. 

From  the  ifland  Antilla,  whic%h  you  call 
the  feven  cities,  and  of  'which  you  have  feme 
knowledge,  to  the  moft  noble  iiland  of  Cipango 
are  ten  fpaces,  which  make  2500  miles,  or 
225  leagues  ;  which  ifland  abounds  in  gold, 
pearls  and  precious  flones  ;  and  you  muft  un- 
derftand,  they  cover  their  temples  and  palaces 
with  plates  of  pure  gold.  So  that  for  want 
of  knowing  the  way,  all  thefe  things  are  hid 
den  and  conceakd,  and  yet  may  be  gone  to 
with  fafety. 

Much  more  might  be  faid,  but  having  told 
you  what  is  mod  material,  and  you  being  wife 
and  judicious,  I  am  fatisfied  there  is  nothing 
of  it,  but  what  you  underftand,  and  there 
fore  I  will  not  be  more  prolix.  Thus  much 
may  ferve  to  fatisfy  your  curiofity,  it  being  as 
much  as  the  fhortnefs  of  time  and  my  bufmefs 
would  permit  me  to  fay.  So  I  remain  mofl 
ready  to  fatisfy  and  ferve  his  highnefs  to  the 
utmofl  in  all  the  commands  he  mail  lay  upon 
me. 

Florence,  'June  2C,  1474. 

LE?fF.R 


COLUMBUS,  147 

LETTER      II. 

To   CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS,  PAUL  the 
Phyjlcian  wijhetb  health. 

I  RECEIVED  your  letters  with  the  things 
you  fent  me,  which  I  {hall  take  as  a  great  fav 
our,  and  commend  your  noble  and  ardent  de- 
fire  of  failing  from  eaft  to  weft,  as  it  is  mark 
ed  out  in  the  chart  I  fent  you,  which  would 
demonftrate  itfelf  better  in  the  form  of  a 
globe. 

I  am  glad  it  is  well  underftood,  and  that 
the  voyage  laid  down  is  not  only  poffible  but 
true,  certain,  honourable,  very  advantageous 
and  moft  glorious  among  all  Chriftians.  You 
cannot  be  perfect  in  the  knowledge  of  it,  but 
by  experience  and  practice,  as  I  have  had  in 
great  meafure,  and  by  the  folid  and  true  in 
formation  of  worthy  and  wife  men,  who  have 
come  from  thofe  parts  to  this  court  of  Rome ; 
and  from  merchants  who  have  traded  long 
in  thofe  parts  and  are  perfons  of  good  re 
putation.  So  that  when  the  faid  voyage  is 
performed,  it  will  be  to  powerful  kingdoms, 
and  to  the  moft  noble  cities  and  provinces  ; 
rich  and  abounding  in  all  things  we  ftand  in 
need  of,  particularly  in  all  forts  of  fpice  in 
great  quantities,  and  ftore  of  jewels. 

JC  2  This 


C  O  L  U  i\l  B  U  S. 

This  will  moreover  be  grateful  to  thofe 
kings  and  princes,  who  are  very  defirous  to 
converfe  and  trade  with  Chriftians  of  thefe  our 
countries,  whether  it  be  for  fome  of  them  to 
become  Chriftians,  or  elfe  to  have  communi 
cation  with  the  wife  and  ingenious  men  of 
thefe  parts,  as  well  in  point  of  religion,  as  in 
all  fciences,  becaufe  of  the  extraordinary  ac 
count  they  have  of  the  kingdoms  and  govern 
ment  of  thefe  parts.  For  which  reafons,  and 
many  more  that  might  be  alleged,  I  do  not  at 
all  admire,  that  you  who  have  a  great  heart, 
and  all  the  Portuguefe  nation,  which  has  ever 
had  notable  men  in  all  undertakings,  be  ea 
gerly  bent  upon  performing  this  voyage. 


V.  JOHN 


M-9 
V.     JOHN    CABOT 

AND 

SEBASTIAN     CABOT. 

A  HE  economical  difpofition  of  Henry 
VII,  King  of  England,  induced  him  to  pre- 
ferve  tranquillity  in  his  dominions,  which 
greatly  contributed  to  the  increafe  of  com 
merce  and  manufactures  ;  and  to  bring  thith 
er  merchants  from  all  parts  of  Europe.  The 
Lombards  and  the  Venetians  were  remarkably 
numerous  ;  the  former  of  whom  had  a  ftreet 
in  London  appropriated  to  them  and  called  by 
their  name.* 

Among  the  Venetians  refident  there  at  that 
time  was  JOHN  CABOT,  a  man  perfectly  {kil 
led  in  all  the  fciences  requifite  to  form  an  ac- 
complimed  mariner. -f-  He  had  three  fons, 
Lewis,$EB  A  s  T  i  AN  and  Sandius,  J  all  of  whom 
he  educated  in  the  fame  manner.  Lewis  and 
Sanftius  became  eminent  men,  and  fettled,  the 
one  at  Genoa,  the  other  at  Venice.  Of  Se- 
baflian  a  farther  account  will  be  given. 

The  famous  difcovery  made  by  Columbus 
caufed  great  admiration  and  much  difcourfe, 

in 

*  Forfter's  northern  Voyages,  p.  266. 

•t  Campbell's  Lives  of  Admirals,  i,  336.          J  Hakluyt.  Ill,  7, 


150  CABOT. 

in  the  court  of  Henry,  and  among  the  merch 
ants  of  England.  To  find  a  way  to  India  by 
the  weftj  had  long  been  a  problem  with  men 
of  fcience  as  well  as  a  defideratum  in  the  mer 
cantile  intereft.  The  way  was  then  fuppofed 
to  be  opened  -,  and  the  fpecimens  of  gold, 
which  Columbus  had  brought  home,  excited 
the  warmeft  defire  of  purfiiing  that  difcovery. 
Cabot,  by  his  knowledge  of  the  globe,  fup 
pofed  thr.t  a  fhorter  way  might  be  found  from 
England  to  India,  by  the  northweft.  Hav 
ing  communicated  his  project  to  the  King,  it 
was  favourably  received  ;  and  on  the  fifth  of 
March  1496,  a  commirTion  was  granted  to 
"John  Cabot,  and  his  three  fons,  their  heirs 
and  deputies,  giving  them  liberty  to  fail  to 
all  parts  of  eaft,  weft,  and  north,  under  the 
royal  banners,  and  enfigns  ;  to  difcover  coun 
tries  of  the  heathen,  unknown  to  chrijlians  ; 
to  fet  up  the  King's  banners  there ;  to  occupy 
and  pofTefs  as  his  fubjects,  fuch  places  as  they 
could  fubdue  -,  giving  them  the  rule  and  ju- 
rifdiclion  of  the  fame,  to  be  holden  on  condi 
tion  of  paying  to  the  King,  as  often  as  they 
Should  arrive  at  Briftol,  (at  which  place  only 
they  were  permitted  to  arrive)  in  wares  and 
merchandife,  one  fifth  part  of  all  their  gains ; 

with 


CABOT.  151 

with  exemption  from  all  cuftoms  and  duties 
on  fuch  merchandife  as  mould  be  brought 
from  their  difcoveries." 

After  the  granting  of  this  commifllon,  the 
King  gave  orders  for  fitting  out  two  caravels 
for  the  purpofe  of  the  difcovery.  Thefe  were 
victualled  at  the  public  expenfe ;  and  freight 
ed  by  the  merchants  of  London  and  Briftol, 
with  coarfe  cloths  and  other  articles  of  traffic. 
The  whole  company  confifted  of  three  hundred 
men. 

With  this  equipment,  in  the  beginning  of 
May  1497,-f  J°^n  Cabot  and  his  fon  Sebaf- 
tian  failed  from  Briftol  towards  the  north- 
weft,  till  they  reached  the  latitude  of  58°  ; 
where  meeting  with  floating  ice,  and  the 
weather  being  feverely  cold,  they  altered  their 
courfe  to  the  fouthweft  ;  not  expecting  to 
find  any  land,  till  they  mould  arrive  at  Cathay, 
the  northern  part  of  China,  from  whence 
they  intended  to  pafs  fouthward  to  India. 

On 

+  There  is  no  good  account  of  this  voyage  written  by  any  con 
temporary  author.  It  is  therefore  collected,  from  feveral  who 
have  fet  down  fafts  without  much  order  or  precinlon.  To  recon 
cile  their  contradictions,  and  deduce  conduficns  from  what  they 
have  related,  requires  much  trouble  ;  and  leaves  an  uncertainty  with 
refpeft  to  particular  circumftances ;  though  the  principal  facts  »re 
well  afcertained, 

K4 


152  CABOT, 

On  the  24th  of  June,  very  early  in  the 
morning,  they  were  furprized  with  the  fight 
of  land  $  which,  being  the  firfl  that  they  had 
feen,  they  called  Prima  Vifla.  The  defcrip- 
tion  of  it  is  given  in  thefe  words.  «'  The 
iiland  which  lieth  out  before  the  land,  he  cal 
led  St.  John,  becaufe  it  was  difcovered  on  the 
day  of  St.John,  the  Baptift.  The  inhabitants 
of  this  iiland  wear  beafts'  fkins.  In  their 
wars,  they  ufe  bows,  arrows,  pikes,  darts, 
wooden  clubs,  and  flings.  The  foil  is  barren 
in  fome  places  and  yieldeth  little  fruit  ;  but  is 
full  of  white  bears  and  flags,  far  greater  than 
ours.  It  yieldeth  plenty  of  fifli,  and  thofe 
very  great,  as  feals  and  falmons.  There  are 
foles  above  a  yard  in  length  ;  but  efpecially 
there  is  great  abundance  of  that  kind  of  nih 
which  the  favages  call  Bacalao,  (Cod.)  In 
the  fame  ifland  are  hawks  and  eagles,  as 
black  as  ravens  j  alfo  partridges.  The  inhab 
itants  had  great  plenty  of  copper. "-f- 

This  land  is  generally  fuppofed  to  be  fome 
part  of  the  ifland  of  Newfoundland  ;  and  Dr. 
Forfter  thinks  that  the  name,  Prima  Vifta,  was 
afterward  changed  to  Eona  Vijla,  now  the 
northern  cape  of  Trinity  bay,  in  Latitude  48° 

jo1- 

f  Hakluyt  iii,  6.     Purchas  iv,  807. 


CABOT.  153 

50.'  Peter  Martyr's  account  is,  that  Cabot 
called  the  land,  Bacalaos  ;  and  there  is  a  fmall 
ifland  off  the  fouthcape  of  Trinity  bay,  which 
bears  that  name.  Mr.  Prince,  in  his  chronol 
ogy,  (citing  Galvanus  for  an  authority)  fays, 
that  the  land  difcovered  by  Cabot  was  in  lati 
tude  45°.  If  this  were  true,  the  firft  difcovery 
was  made  on  the  peninfula  of  Nova  Scotia ; 
and  as  they  coafted  the  land  northward,  they 
inuft  have  gone  into  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
in  purfuit  of  their  northweft  pafiage. 

The  beft  accounts  of  the  voyage  preferved 
by  Hakluyt  and  Purchas,  fay  nothing  of  the 
latitude  of  Prima  Vifta  j  but  fpeak  of  their 
failing  northward  after  they  had  made  the 
land,  as  far  as  67°,  Stovve,  in  his  chroni 
cle,  ~j~  fays  it  was  on  the  "  north  fide  of  Terra 
de  Labrador."  This  courfe  muft  have  car 
ried  them  far  up  the  ftrait  which  feparates 
Greenland  from  the  continent  of  America. 

Finding  the  land  ftill  ftretching  to  the 
northward,  and  the  weather  very  cold  in  the 
month  of  July  -y  the  men  became  uneafy,  and 
the  commanders  found  it  necefTary  to  return 
to  Bacalaos.  Having  here  refrefhed  them- 
felves,  they  coafted  the  land  fouthward,  till 

they 

f  Reign  of  Hen.  vii.  An,  14,  p.  872. 


CABOT. 

they  came  into  the  fame  latitude  with  the 
{traits  of  Gibraltar  36°,  or  according  to  fome, 
no  farther  than  38°,  when  their  provifions 
falling  mort,  they  returned  to  England  ; 
bringing  three  of  the  Savages  as  a  prefent  to 
the  King.  "  They  were  clothed  with  the 
ikins  of  hearts,  and  lived  on  raw  fleih  ;  but 
after  two  years,  were  feen  in  the  King's  court 
clothed  like  Englimmen,  and  could  not  be 
difcerned  from  Englimmen."* 

Nothing  more  is  faid  of  John  Cabot,  the 
father  ;  and  fome  hiftorians  aicribe  the  whole 
of  this  difcovery  to  Sebaflian  only  ;  but  at 
the  time  of  this  voyage  he  could  not  have  been 
more  than  twenty  years  old  ;  when,  though  he 
might  accompany  his  father,  yet  he  was  too 
young  to  undertake  fuch  an  expedition  him- 
felf.  The  voyage  having  produced  no  fpe- 
cimens  of  gold  ;  and  the  King  being  engaged 
in  a  controverfy  with  Scotland,  no  farther 
encouragement  was  given  to  the  fpirit  of  dif 
covery. 

After  the  King's  death,  Sebaflian  Cabot 
was  invited  to  Spain,  and  was  received  in  a 
refpe&ful  manner  by  King  Ferdinand  and 
Queen  Ifabella.  In  their  fervice  he  failed  on 

a  voyage 

*  Stowe  Reign  of  Hen.  vii,  page  875,  Anno  Rcgni  18. 


C     A     B  r  O     T.  155 

a  voyage  of  difcovery  to  the  fouthern  parts 
of  the  New  Continent  5  and  having  vifited 
the  coaft  of  Brafil,  entered  a  great  river  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  Rio  de  la  Plata. 
He  failed  up  this  river  one  hundred  and  twen 
ty  leagues  j  and  found  it  divided  into  many 
branches  ;  the  mores  of  which  were  inhab 
ited  by  numerous  people. 

After  this,  he  made  other  voyages,  of  which 
no  particular  memorials  remain.  He  was 
honoured  by  Ferdinand,  with  a  commifTion  of 
Grand  Pilot  5  and  was  one  of  the  council  of  the 
Indies.  His  refidence  was  in  the  city  of  Se 
ville.  His  character  was  gentle,  friendly  and 
focial.  His  employment  was  the  drawing  of 
charts  ;  on  which  he  delineated  all  the  new 
difcoveries  made  by  himfelf  and  others.  Peter 
Martyr  fpeaks  of  him  as  his  friend,  with 
whom  he  loved  familiarly  to  converfe.* 

In  his  advanced  age,  he  returned  to  Eng 
land,  and  refided  at  Briftol.  By  the  fav 
our  of  the  Duke  of  Somerfet,  he  was  intro 
duced  to  King  Edward  VI,  who  took  great 
delight  in  his  converfation,  and  fettled  on  him 
a  penfion  of  £166.  i^f.  ^d.  per  annum  for 

life. 

*  "  Familiarem  habeo  domi  CABOTUM  ipfumt  et  inter 'dui* 
t"  Decad.  iii,  chap.  vi. 


jr6  CABOT. 

J  • 

life.  He  was  appointed  governor  of  a  compa 
ny  of  merchants,  aflbciated  for  the  purpofe  of 
making  difcoveries  of  unknown  countries.* 
This  is  a  proof  of  the  great  efleem,  in  which 
he  was  held  as  a  man  of  knowledge  and  ex 
perience  in  his  profeflion.  He  had  a  flrong 
perfuafion  that  a  paflage  might  be  found  to 
China,  by  the  northeaft,  and  warmly  patronif- 
ed  the  attempt  made  by  Sir  HughWillough- 
by  in  1553  to  explore  the  northern  feas,  for 
that  purpofe.  There  is  ftill  extant  a  com 
plete  let  of  instructions  drawn  and  fubfcribed 
by  Cabot,  for  the  direction  of  the  voyage  to 
Cathay,  which  affords  the  cleareft  proof  of  his 
fagacity  and  penetration. -j~  But  though  this,  as 
well  as  all  other  attempts  of  the  kind,  proved 
ineffectual  to  the  principal  end  in  view, 
yet  it  was  the  means  of  opening  a  trade  witk> 
RufTia,  which  proved  very  beneficial  to  the 
company. 

Thelaft  account  which  we  have  of  Sebaftian 
is,  that  in  1556,  when  the  company  were  lend 
ing  out  a  veflel  called  the  Search- thrift,  under 
the  command  of  Stephen  Burrough,  for  dif- 
covery  j  the  Governour  made  a  vifit  on  board; 

which 

*   Hakluyt  I.  268,  III.  10.  +  Ibid  I,  226, 


CABOT.  157 

which   is  thus  related   in  the  journal  of  the 
voyage  as  preferved  by  Hakluyt.* 

"  The  27th  of  April,  being  Monday,  the 
Right  Worfhipful  Sebaftian  Cabota  came  a- 
board  our  pinnace,  at  Gravefend  ,  accompani 
ed  with  divers  gentlemen  and  gentlewomen  ; 
who,  after  they  had  viewed  our  pinnace,  and 
tailed  of  fuch  cheer  as  we  could  make  them, 
went  amore,  giving  to  our  mariners  right  lib 
eral  rewards.  The  good  old  gentleman  Maf- 
ter  Cabota  gave  to  the  poor  moft  liberal  alms, 
wifhing  them  to  pray  for  the  good  fortune  and 
profperous  fuccefs  of  the  Search- thrift,  our 
pinnace.  And  then  at  the  fign  of  St.  Chrif- 
topher,  he  and  his  friends  banqueted  j  and 
made  me  and  them  that  were  in  the  company 
great  cheer ;  and  for  very  joy  that  he  had  to 
fee  the  towardnefs  of  our  intended  difcovery, 
he  entered  into  the  dance  bimfelf,  among  the 
reft  of  the  young  and  lufty  company  -,  which 
being  ended,  he  and  his  friends  departed,  moft 
gently  commending  us  to  the  governance  of 
Almighty  GOD." 

According  to  the  calculation  of  his  age  by 
Dr.  Campbell,  he  muft  at  that  time  have 
been  about  eighty  years  old. 

He 

*  Vol.  i,  p.  274. 


158  CABOT. 

He  was  one  of  the  moft  extraordinary  men, 
of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  By  his  inge 
nuity  and  induftry,  he  enlarged  the  bounds 
of  fcience  and  promoted  the  intereft  of  the 
Englifh  nation.  Dr.  Campbell  fuppofes  it 
was  he  who  firft  took  notice  of  the  variation 
of  the  magnetic  needle.*  It  had  been  obferv- 
ed  in  the  firft  voyage  of  Columbus  to  the 
Weft  Indies  ;  though  probably  Cabot  might 
not  have  known  it,  till  after  he  had  made  the 
fame  difcovery. 

*  Lives  of  Admirals,  i.  419. 


VI.    JAMES 


'59 


VI.     JAMESCARTIER. 

THOUGH  the  Englim  did  not  profe- 
cute  the  difcovery  made  by  the  Cabots,  nor 
avail  themfelves  of  the  only  advantages  which 
it  could  have  afforded  them ;  yet  their  neigh 
bours  of  Brittany,*  Normandy  and  Bifcay 
wifely  purfued  the  track  of  thofe  adventurers 
and  took  vaft  quantities  of  cod  on  the  banks 
of  Newfoundland. 

In  1524,  John  Verazzani,  a  Florentine,  in 
the  fervice  of  France,  ranged  the  coaft  of  the 
new  continent  from  Florida  to  Newfound 
land,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  New  France. 
In  a  fubfequent  voyage  he  was  cut  to  pieces 
and  devoured  by  the  favages. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  three  great  Euro 
pean  kingdoms  Spain,  England  and  France, 
made  ufe  of  three  Italians  to  conduct  their  dif- 
coveries :  Columbus,  a  Genoefe ;  Cabot,  a 
Venetian ;  and  Verazzani,  a  Florentine.  This 
is  a  proof  that  among  the  Italians  there  were 
at  that  time  perfons  fuperior  in  maritime 
knowledge  to  the  other  nations  of  Europe ; 

though 

*  It  is  fuppofetl  that  the  ifland  of  Cape  Breton  took  its  name 
from,  the  Bretons,  the  fi&ermen  of  Brittany. 


j6o         C     A     R     T     I     E     & 

though  the  penurious  fpirit  of  thofe  repub 
lics,  their  mutual  jealoufy  and  petty  wars, made 
them  overlook  the  benefits  refulting  from  ex- 
tenfive  enterprifes,  and  leave  the  vafh  regions 
of  the  new  world  to  be  occupied  by  others. 

The  voyages  of  Verazzani  having  produc 
ed  no  addition  to  the  revenue  of  France  ;  all 
further  attempts  to  perfect  his  difcoveries 
were  laid  afide ;  but  the  fifhery  being  found 
conducive  to  the  commercial  intereft,  it  was 
at  length  conceived,  that  a  plantation  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  banks  might  be  advan 
tageous.  This  being  reprefented  to  King 
Francis  I,  by  Chabot  the  Admiral,  JAMES 
CAR  TIER*  of  St.Malo,  was  commiffioned  to 
explore  the  country,  with  a  view  to  find  a 
place  for  a  colony. •(• 

On  the  2oth  of  April  1534,  he  failed  from 
St.  Malo  with  two  {hips  of  fixty  tons,  and  122 
men  -,  and  on  the  tenth  of  May  came  in  fight 
of  Bonavifta,  on  the  ifland  of  Newfoundland. 
But  the  ice  which  lay  along  the  more  obliged 
him  to  go  fouthward  ;  and  he  entered  a  har 
bour  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Catha 
rine  j  J  where  he  waited  for  fair  weather,  and 
fitted  his  boats.  As 

*  His  name  is  fometimes  written  Quartitr* 
i  Forfler's  northern  voyages,  p.  435. 

*  Called  m  feme  maps  Catalina. 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.         161 

As  foon  as  the  feafon  would  permit  he  fail 
ed  northward,  and  examined  feveral  harbours 
and  iilands,  on  the  coaft  of  Newfoundland  ; 
in  one  of  which  he  found  fuch  a  quantity  of 
birds,  that  in  half  an  hour,  two  boats  were 
loaded  with  them  ;  and  after  they  had  eaten 
as  many  as  they  could,  five  or  fix  barrels  full 
were  falted  for  each  (hip.  This  place  was 
called  Bird  Ifland. 

Having  palled  Cape  de  Grat,  the  northern 
extremity  of  the  land ;  he  entered  the  ftraits 
of  Bellifle  and  vilited  feveral  harbours  on  the 
oppofite  coaft  of  Labrador,  one  of  which  he 
called  Cartier's  Sound.  The  harbour  is  de- 
fcribed  as  one  of  the  beft  in  the  world  -y  but 
the  land  is  ftigmatized  as  the  place  to  which 
Cain  was  banifhed  ;  no  vegetation  being  pro 
duced  among  the  rocks,  but  thorns  and  mofs. 
Yet,  bad  as  it  was,  there  were  inhabitants  in  it, 
who  lived  by  catching  feals,  and  feemed  to  be 
a  wandering  tribe.* 

In  circumnavigating  the  great  ifland  of  New 
foundland,  they  found  the  weather  in  gener 
al  cold ;  but  when  they  had  croffed  the  gulf 
in  a  fouthweflerly  direction  to  the  continent, 
they  came  into  a  deep  bay,  where  the  climate 

was 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii,  p.  201— '21 1. 

L 


162         C     A     R     T     I     E     R. 

was  fo  warm,  that  they  named  it  Baye  de  Cha- 
leur,  or  the  Bay  of  Heat.  Here  were  feveral 
kinds  of  wild  berries,  rofcs  and  meadows  of 
grafs.  In  the  frefh  waters  they  caught  fal- 
mon  in  great  plenty. 

Having  iearched  in  vain  for  apaffage  through 
the  bay,  they  quitted  it,  and  failed  along  the 
coaft,  eaflward,  till  they  came  to  the  fmaller 
bay  of  Gafpe  -,  where  they  fought  flicker  from 
a  tempeft,  and  were  detained  twelve  days  in 
the  month  of  July.  In  this  place  Cartier 
performed  the  ceremony  of  taking  pofleflion 
for  the  King  of  France.  A  crofs  of  thirty 
feet  high  was  erected  on  a  point  of  land.  On 
this  crofs  was  fufpended  a  fhield,  with  the 
arms  of  France  and  the  words  Vive  k  Roy  de 
France.  Before  it,  the  people  kneeled,  un 
covered  ;  with  their  hands  extended,  and  their 
eyes  lifted  toward  heaven.  The  natives,  who 
were  prefent,  beheld  the  ceremony  at  fir  ft 
with  filent  admiration  ;  but  after  a  while,  an 
old  man,  clad  in  a  bear's  fkin,  made  figns  to 
them  that  the  land  was  his,  and  that  they 
fhould  not  have  it,  without  his  leave.  They 
then  informed  him  by  figns,  that  the  crofs 
was  intended  only  as  a  mark  of  direction,  by 
which  they  might  again  find  the  port ;  and 

they 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.         163 

they  promifed  to  return  the  next  year,  and  to 
bring  iron  and  other  commodities. 

They  thought  it  proper  however  to  con 
ciliate  the  old  man's  good  will,  by  entertaining 
him  on  board  the  fhip  and  making  him  fev- 
eral  prefents ;  by  which  means,  they  fo  pre 
vailed  on  him,  that  he  permitted  Cartier  to 
carry  two  of  his  fons,  young  men,  to  France, 
on  the  fecurity  of  a  promife  that  he  would 
bring  them  back,  at  his  return  the  next 
fpring. 

From  Gafpe,  he  failed  fo  far  into  the  Great 
River,  afterward  called  St.  Lawrence,  as  to 
difcover  land  on  the  oppoiite  fide ;  but  the 
weather  being  boifterous,  and  the  current  fet- 
ting  againft  him,  he  thought  it  beft  to  return 
to  Newfoundland,  and  then  to  France  ;  where 
he  arrived  fafe  in  the  harbour  of  St.  Malo  on 
the  fifth  of  September. 

The  difcoveries  made  in  this  voyage  excit 
ed  farther  curioiity  ;  and  the  Vice  Admiral 
Melleraye  reprefented  Carder's  merits  to  the 
King,  fo  favourably,  as  to  procure  for  him  a 
more  ample  equipment.  Three  mips,  one 
of  120,  one  of  60  and  one  of  40  tons,  were 
deftined  to  perform  another  voyage,  in  the 
enfuing  fpring ;  and  feveral  young  men  of  dif- 
L  2  tincYion 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R. 

tinclion  entered  as  volunteers,  to  feek  adven 
tures  in  the  new  world.  When  they  were 
ready  to  fail,  the  whole  company,  after  the 
example  of  Columbus,  went  in  proceflion  'to 
church,  on  Whitfunday,  where  the  Bimop  of 
St.  Malo  pronounced  his  bleffing  on  them. 
They  failed  on  the  i9th  of  May  1535.  Meet 
ing  with  tempeftuous  weather,  the  fhips  were 
feparated  ;  and  did  not  join  again,  till  Cartier 
in  the  largeft  fhip  arrived  at  Bird  Ifland,  where 
he  again  rilled  his  boats  with  fowls,  and  on 
the  26th  of  July  was  joined  by  the  other  vef- 
fels. 

From  Bird  Ifland  they  purfued  the  fame 
courfe  as  in  the  preceding  fummer  -y  and  hav 
ing  come  into  the  gulf  on  the  weftern  fide  of 
Newfoundland,  gave  it  the  name  of  St.  Law 
rence.  Here  they  faw  abundance  of  whales. 
Faffing  between  the  iflandof  Afumption  (fince 
called  Anticofti)  and  the  northern  more,  they 
failed  up  the  great  river,  till  they  came  to  a 
branch  on  the  northern  fide,  which  the  young 
natives  who  were  on  board  called  Saguenay  ; 
the  main  river  they  told  him  would  carry 
him  to  Hockelaga,  the  capital  of  the  whole 
country. 

After  fpending  fome  time   in  exploring  the 
northern   coafl,   to   find   an  opening   to   the 

northward ; 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.         165 

northward  ;  in  the  beginning  of  September, 
he  failed  up  the  river  and  difcovered  feveral 
iilands  -,  one  of  which,  from  the  multitude 
of  filberts,  he  called  Coudres ;  and  another, 
from  the  vail  quantity  of  grapes,  he  named 
Bacchus,  (now  Orleans.)  This  iiland  was  full 
of  inhabitants  who  fubfifted  by  fifhing. 

When  the  fhips  had  come  to  anchor  be 
tween  the  N.  W.  fide  of  the  ifland  and  the 
main,  Carder  went  on  fhore  with  his  two 
young  Savages.  The  people  of  the  country 
were  at  firfl  afraid  of  them  -,  but  hearing  the 
youths  fpeak  to  them  in  their  own  language, 
they  became  fociable,  and  brought  eels  and 
other  fim,  with  a  quantity  of  Indian  corn 
in  ears,  for  the  refrefhment  of  their  new 
guefts  ;  in  return  for  which,  they  were  pre- 
fented  with  fuch  European  baubles  as  were 
plealing  to  them. 

The  next  day,  Donacona,  the  prince  of  the 
place,  came  to  vifit  them,  attended  by  twelve 
boats  -,  but  keeping  ten  of  them  at  a  diftance, 
he  approached  with  two  only,  containing  fix- 
teen  men.  In  the  true  fpirit  of  hofpitality, 
he  made  a  fpeech,  accompanied  with  fignifi- 
cant  geftures,  welcoming  the  French  to  his 
country  and  offering  his  fervice  to  them.  The 
L  3  young 


166         C     A     R     T     I     E     R. 

young  favages,  Taignoagni  and  Domagaia 
anfwered  him,  reporting  all  which  they  had 
feen  in  France,  at  which  he  appeared  to  be 
pleafed.  Then  approaching  the  Captain,  who 
held  out  his  hand,  he  kifled  it,  and  laid  it 
round  his  own  neck,  in  token  of  friendship. 
Cartier,  on  his  part,  entertained  Donacona 
with  bread  and  wine,  and  they  parted  mutu 
ally  pleafed. 

The  next  day  Cartier  went  up  in  his  boat 
to  find  a  harbour  for  his  {hips  ;  the  feafon 
being  fo  far  advanced  that  it  became  necefTary 
to  fecure  them.  At  the  weft  end  of  the  ifle 
of  Bacchus,  he  found  "  a  goodly  and  pleafant 
found,  where  is  a  little  river  and  haven  ;  a- 
bout  three  fathom  deep  at  high  water."  To 
this  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Croix,  and  de 
termined  there  to  lay  up  his  (hips. 

Near  this  place  was  a  village  called  Stada- 
cona,  of  which  Donacona  was  the  Lord.  It 
was  environed  with  foreft  trees,  fome  of  which 
bore  fruit ;  and  under  the  trees,  was  a  growth 
of  wild  hemp.  As  Cartier  was  returning  to 
his  mips,  he  had  another  fpecimen  of  the 
hofpitable  manners  of  the  natives.  A  com 
pany  of  people,  of  both  fexes,  met  him  on 
the  more  of  the  little  river,  fmging  and  danc 
ing 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.  167 

ing  up  to  their  knees  in  water.  In  return 
for  their  courtefy,  he  gave  them  knives  and 
beads ;  and  they  continued  their  mufic  till  he 
was  beyond  hearing  it. 

When  Cartier  had  brought  his  fhips  to  the 
harbour  and  fecured  them,  he  intimated  his 
intention  to  pafs  in  his  boats  up  the  -river  to 
Hochelaga.  Donacona  was  loth  to  part  with 
him ;  and  invented  feveral  artifices  to  pre 
vent  his  going  thither.  Among  others,  he 
contrived  to  drefs  three  of  his  men  in  black 
and  white  fkins,  with  horns  on  their  heads 
and  their  faces  befmeared  with  coal,  to  make 
them  refemble  infernal  fpirits.  They  were 
put  into  a  canoe  and  palTed  by  the  (hips  ; 
brandifhing  their  horns  and  making  an  unin 
telligible  harrangue.  Donacona,  with  his 
people,  purfued  and  took  them,  on  which 
they  fell  down  as  if  dead.  They  were  carried 
afhore  into  the  woods,  and  all  the  favages  fol 
lowed  them.  A  long  difcourfe  enfued,  and 
the  conclufion  of  the  farce  was,  that  thefe 
demons  had  brought  news  from  the  God  of 
Hochelaga,  that  his  country  was  fo  full  of 
fnow  and  ice,  that  whoever  mould  adventure 
thither  would  perifh  with  the  cold.  The 
artifice  afforded  diverfion  to  the  French,  but 
L  4  was 


168        C    A    R    T    I    E    R. 

was  too  thin  to  deceive  them.  Cartier  de 
termined  to  proceed;  and  on  the  i9th  of 
September,  with  his  pinnace  and  two  boats, 
began  his  voyage  up  the  river  to  Hochelaga. 

Among  the  woods  on  the  margin  of  the 
river  were  many  vines  loaded  with  ripe  grapes, 
than  which  nothing  could  be  a  more  welcome 
fight  to  Frenchmen,  though  the  fruit  was  not 
fo  delicious  as  they  had  been  ufed  to  tafle  in 
their  own  country.  Along  the  banks  were 
many  huts  of  the  natives  ;  who  made  figns  of 
joy  as  they  pafled  -,  prefented  them  with  fifh ; 
piloted  them  through  narrow  channels  ;  car 
ried  them  amore  on  their  backs,  and  helped 
them  to  get  off  their  boats  when  aground. 
Some  prefented  their  children  to  them,  and 
fuch  as  were  of  proper  age  were  accepted. 

The  water  at  that  time  of  the  year  being 
low,  their  paffage  was  rendered  difficult  -t  but 
by  the  friendly  afliflance  of  the  natives  they 
furmounted  the  obftrudions.  On  the  a8th 
of  September  they  pafled  the  rapids  between 
the  illands  in  the  upper  part  of  the  lake  An- 
goleme,  (now  called  St.  Peters)  and  on  the 
fecond  of  October  they  arrived  at  the  ifland  of 
Hochelaga ;  where  they  had  been  expected, 
and  preparations  were  made  to  give  them  a 

welcome 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R         169 

welcome  reception.  About  a  thoufand  per- 
fons  came  to  meet  them,  fmging  and  dancing, 
the  men  on  one  fide,  the  women  on  the  other, 
and  the  children  in  a  diflincl:  body.  Prefents 
of  fifli  and  other  victuals  were  brought,  and 
in  return  were  given  knives,  beads  and  other 
trinkets.  The  Frenchmen  lodged  the  firft 
night  in  their  boats,  and  the  natives  watched 
on  the  more,  dancing  round  their  fires  during 
the  whole  night. 

The  next  morning  Cartier,  with  twenty 
five  of  his  company,  went  to  vifit  the  town, 
and  were  met  on  the  way  by  a  perfon  of  dif- 
tindion,  who  bad  them  welcome.  To  him 
they  gave  two  hatchets  and  two  knives,  and 
hung  over  his  neck  a  crofs  which  they  taught 
him  to  kifs.  As  they  proceeded,  they  palled 
through  groves  of  oak,  from  which  the  acorns 
were  fallen  and  lay  thick  on  the  ground.  Af 
ter  this  they  came  to  fields  of  ripe  corn,  fome 
of  which  was  gathered.  In  the  midft  of  thefe 
fields  was  fituate  the  town  of  Hochelaga. 

It  was  of  a  round  form,  encompaffed  with 
three  lines  of  palifades,  through  which  was 
one  entrance,  well  fecured  with  ftakes  and 
bars.  On  the  inlide  was  a  rampart  of  timber, 
to  which  were  afcents  by  ladders,  and  heaps 

of 


170        C    A     R    T     I    E     R. 

of  ftones  were  laid  in  proper  places  for  defence. 
In  the  town  were  about  fifty  long  huts  built 
with  flakes  and  covered  with  bark.  In  the  mid 
dle  of  each  hut  was  a  fire,  round  which  were 
lodging  places,  floored  with  bark  and  covered 
with  fkins.  In  the  upper  part  was  a  fcafFold, 
on  which  they  dried  and  prefer ved  their  corn. 
To  prepare  it  for  eating,  they  pounded  it  in 
wooden  mortars,  and  having  mixed  it  with  wa 
ter,  baked  it  on  hot  ftoncs.  Befides  corn  they 
had  beans,  fquafhes  and  pumpkins.  They 
dried  their  fifh  and  preferved  them  in  troughs. 
Thefe  people  lived  chiefly  by  tillage  and  fifh- 
ing,  and  feldom  went  far  from  home.  Thofc 
on  the  lower  parts  of  the  river  were  more  giv 
en  to  hunting,  and  confidered  the  Lord  of 
Hochelaga  as  their  fovereign,  to  whom  they 
paid  tribute. 

When  the  new  guefts  were  conducted  to 
an  open  fquare  in  the  centre  of  the  town ;  the 
females  came  to  them,  rubbing  their  hands 
and  faces,  weeping  with  joy  at  their  arrival, 
and  bringing  their  children  to  be  touched  by 
the  ftrangers.  They  fpread  mats  for  them 
on  the  ground,  whilft  the  men  feated  them- 
felves  in  a  large  circle  on  the  outfide.  The 
King  was  then  brought  in  a  litter,  on  the 

moulders 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.         171 

moulders  of  ten  men,  and  placed  on  a  mat 
next  to  the  French  Captain.  He  was  about 
fifty  years  old,  and  had  no  mark  of  diftinclion. 
but  a  coronet  made  of  porcupine's  quills  dyed 
red ;  which  he  took  off  and  gave  to  the  Cap 
tain,  requefting  him  to  rub  his  arms  and  legs 
which  were  trembling  with  a  palfy.  Several 
perfons,  blind,  lame,  and  withered  with  age, 
were  alfo  brought  to  be  touched  ;  as  if  they 
fuppofed  that  their  new  guefts  were  mefleng- 
ers  from  heaven  inverted  with  a  power  of 
healing  difeafes.  Cartier  gratified  them  as 
well  as  he  could,  by  laying  his  hands  on  them 
and  repeating  fome  devotional  palTages  from  a 
fervice  book,  which  he  had  in  his  pocket ;  ac 
companying  his  ejaculations  with  fignificant 
geftures,  and  lifting  up  his  eyes  to  heaven. 
The  natives  attentively  obferved  and  imitated 
all  his  motions. 

Having  performed  this  ceremony,  he  defir- 
ed  the  men,  women  and  children  to  arrange 
themfelves  in  feparate  bodies.  To  the  men 
he  gave  hatchets,  to  the  women  beads,  and  to 
the  children  rings.  He  then  ordered  his 
drums  and  trumpets  to  found,  which  highly 
pleafed  the  company  and  fet  them  to  dancing. 

Being 


172         C     A     R     T     I     E     R. 

Being  defirous  of  afcending  the  hill,  under 
which  the  town  was  built,  the  natives  con 
ducted  them  to  the  fummit ;  where  they  were 
entertained  with  a  mod  extenfive  and  beauti 
ful  profpeft  of  mountains,  woods,  iflands  and 
waters.  They  obferved  the  courfe  of  the  riv 
er  above,  and  ibme  falls  of  water  in  it ;  and 
the  natives  informed  them  that  they  might 
fail  on  it  for  three  months ;  that  it  ran  through 
two  or  three  great  lakes,  beyond  which  was 
a  fea  of  frefh  water,  to  which  they  knew  of 
no  bounds ;  and  that  on  the  other  lide  of  the 
mountains  there  was  another  river  which  ran 
in  a  contrary  direction  to  the  fouthweft, 
through  a  country  full  of  delicious  fruits  and 
free  from  fnow  and  ice  -y  that  there  was  found 
fuch  metal  as  the  Captain's  Jiher  whittle  and 
the  haft  of  a  dagger  belonging  to  one  of  the 
company  which  was  gilt  with  gold.  Being 
fhewn  fome  copper,  they  pointed  to  the  north 
ward,  and  faid  it  came  fr©rn  Saguenay.  To 
this  hill  Carrier  gave  the  name  of  Montreal, 
which  it  has  ever  fince  retained. 

The  vifit  being  finifhed,  the  natives  accom 
panied  the  French  to  their    boats,  carrying 
fuch  as  were  weary  on  their  moulders.     They 
were  loth  to  part  with  their  guefts,  and  fol 
lowed 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.         173 

lowed  them  along  the  more  of  the  river  to  a 
confiderable  diftance. 

On  the  fourth  of  Oftober,  Cartier  and  his 
company  departed  from  Hochelaga.  In  pafT- 
ing  down  the  river  they  erected  a  crofs  on  the 
point  of  an  ifland,  which,  with  three  others,  lay 
in  the  mouth  of  a  (hallow  river  on  the  north 
fide,  called  Fouetz.  On  the  eleventh  they 
arrived  at  the  Port  de  St.  Croix,  and  found 
that  their  companions  had  enclofed  the  mips 
with  a  palifade  and  rampart,  on  which  they 
had  mounted  cannon. 

The  next  day  Donacona  invited  them  to 
his  rendence,  where  they  were  entertained 
with  the  ufual  feftivity  and  made  the  cuftom- 
ary  prefents.  They  obferved  that  thefe  peo 
ple  ufed  the  leaves  of  an  herb  [tobacco]  which 
they  preferved  in  pouches  made  of  fkins  and 
fmoked  in  ftone  pipes.  It  was  very  offeniive 
to  the  French ;  but  the  natives  valued  it  as 
contributing  much  to  the  prefervation  of  their 
health.  Their  houfes  appeared  to  be  well 
fupplied  with  provifions.  Among  other 
things  which  were  new  to  the  French,  they 
obferved  the  fcalps  of  five  men,  fpread  and  dri 
ed  like  parchment.  Thefe  were  taken  from 
their  enemies  the  Toudamani,  who  came  from 

the 


174        C    A     R     T     I     E     R. 

the  fouth,  and  were  continually  at   war  with 
them. 

Being  determined  to  fpend  the  winter  a- 
rnong  thefe  friendly  people,  they  traded  with 
them  for  the  provifions  which  they  could 
fpare,  and  the  river  fupplied  them  with  fifh 
till  it  was  hard  frozen. 

In  December  the  fcurvy  began  to  make  its 
appearance  among  the  natives,  and  Cartier 
prohibited  all  intercourfe  with  them  ;  but  it 
was  not  long  before  his  own  men  were  taken 
with  it.  It  raged  with  uncontroled  violence 
for  above  two  months,  and  by  the  middle  of 
February,  out  of  one  hundred  and  ten  perfons, 
fifty  were  fick  at  once,  and  eight  or  ten  had 
died. 

In  this  extremity  Cartier  appointed  a  day  of 
folemn  humiliation  and  prayer.  A  crucifix 
was  placed  on  a  tree,  and  as  many  as  were  able 
to  walk  went  in  proceffion,  through  the  ice 
snd  fnow,  finging  the  feven  penitential  pfalms 
and  performing  other  devotional  exercifes.  At 
the  clofeof  the  folemnity  Cartier  made  a  vow, 
that"  if  it  would  pleafe  God  to  permit  him, 
to  return  to  France,  he  would  go  in  pilgrim 
age  to  our  Lady  of  Roquemado."  But  it  was 
necefTary  to  watch  as  well  as  pray.  To  pre 
vent 


C    A     R    T     I     E     R.         175 

vent  the  natives  from  knowing  their  weak 
and  defencelefs  ftate,  he  obliged  all  who  were 
able,  to  make  as  much  noife  as  poffible  with 
axes  and  hammers  ;  and  told  the  natives  that 
his  men  were  all  bufily  employed,  and  that  he 
would  not  fuffer  any  of  them  to  go  from  the 
fhips  till  their  work  was  done.  The  mips 
were  fafl  frozen  up  from  the  middle  of  No 
vember  to  the  middle  of  March  -3  the  fnow 
was  four  feet  deep,  and  higher  than  the  fides 
of  the  mips  above  the  ice.  The  feverity  of 
the  winter  exceeded  all  which  they  had  ever 
experienced  ;  the  fcurvy  fllll  raged  $  twenty 
five  men  had  fallen  victims  to  it,  and  the 
others  were  fo  weak  and  low  in  fpirits,  that 
they  defpaired  of  ever  feeing  their  native 
country. 

In  the  depth  of  this  diflrefs  and  defpon- 
dency,  Cartier,  who  had  efcaped  the  difeafe, 
in  walking  one  day  on  the  ice,  met  fome  of 
the  natives,  among  whom  was  Domagaia,  one 
of  the  young  men  who  had  been  with  him  to 
France  and  who  then  refided  with  his  coun 
trymen  at  Stadacona.  He  had  been  fick  with 
the  fcurvy,  his  finews  had  been  fhrunk  and 
his  knees  fwollen,  his  teeth  loofe,  and  his 
gums  rotten  -,  but  he  was  then  recovered, 

and 


i76         C     A     R     T     I     E     R. 

?nd  told  Car  tier  of  a  certain  tree,  the  leaves 
and  bark  of  which  he  had  ufed  as  a  remedy. 
Carlier  exprefled  his  wiih  to  fee  the  tree  ;  tel 
ling  him  that  one  of  his  people  had  been  affect  - 
ed  with  the  fame  diforder.  Two  women  were 
immediately  difpatched,  who  brought  ten  or 
twelve  branches,  and  mowed  him  how  to  pre 
pare  the  decoction  ;  which  was  thus,  "  to 
boil  the  bark  and  the  leaves  j  to  drink  of  the 
liquor  every  other  day  ;  and  to  put  the  dregs 
on  the  legs  of  the  fick."* 

This  remedy  prefently  came  into  ufe,  on 
board  the  mips,  and  its  good  effects  were  fo 
furprifing,  that  within  one  week  they  were 
completely  healed  of  the  fcurvy  ;  and  fome 
who  had  venerial  complaints  of  long  ftanding 
were  alfo  cured  by  the  fame  means. 

The  feverity  of  winter  having  continued 
four  months  without  intermifiion,  at  the  re 
turn 

*  This  tree  was  called  by  the  natives  Ameda  or  Haneda.  Mr. 
Hakluyt  fuppofes  it  to  have  been  the  Saflafras  ;  but  as  the  leaves 
vere  ufed  with  the  bark,  in  the  winter,  it  muft  have  been  an  ever 
green.  The  dregs  of  the  bark  were  alfo  applied  to  the  fore  legs 
of  the  patient.  From  thefe  circumftances  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  it  was  the  fpruce  pine  (pinus  canadenfis J  which  is  ufed  in 
the  fame  manner  by  the  Indians,  and  fuch  as  have  learned  of 
them.  Spruce  beer  is  well  known  to  be  a  powerful  antifcorbutic  ; 
and  the  bark  of  this  and  of  the  white  pine  ferves  as  a  cataplafm 
for  wounds  and  fores. 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.         177 

turn  of  the  fun,  the  feafon  became  milder,  and 
in  April  the  ice  began  to  break  up.  On 
the  third  of  May,  Cartier  took  poflefTion  of 
the  country  by  erecting  a  crofs,  thirty  five 
feet  high,  on  which  was  hung  a  fhield,  bear 
ing  the  arms  of  France,  with  this  infcription: 
FRANCISCUS  primus,  Dei  gratia,  FRANCO- 
RUM  Rex,  regnat. 

The  fame  day,  being  a  day  of  feftivity,  the 
two  young  favages,  Taignoagni  and  Domagaia, 
with  Donacona  the  chief  of  the  place,  came  on 
board  the  fhips  ;  and  were  partly  prevailed  on 
and  partly  conftrained  to  accompany  Cartier  to 
France.  A  handfome  prefent  was  made  to 
the  Family  of  Donacona,  but  it  was  with 
great  reluctance  that  his  friends  parted  with 
him  j  though  Cartier  promifed  to  bring  him 
again  at  the  end  of  twelve  months.  On  the 
fixth  of  May  they  failed  from  the  Port  of  St. 
Croix  ;  and  having  touched  at  St.  Peter's  in 
Newfoundland,  they  arrived  at  St.  Malo  in 
France  the  fixth  of  July  1536. 

Whether  Cartier  performed  his  vow  to  God, 
the  hiftory  does  not  tell  us  j  certain  it  is, 
however,  that  he  did  not  perform  his  promife 
to  his  pafTengers.  The  zeal  for  adventures  of 
this  kind  began  to  abate.  Neither  gold  nor 
M  filver 


I78          C     A     R     T     I     E     R. 

filver  were  carried  home.  The  advantages  of 
the  fur  trade  were  not  fully  underftood  j  and 
the  profpect  of  benefit  from  cultivation  in  the 
fhort  fummer  of  that  cold  climate,  was  great 
ly  overbalanced,  by  the  length  and  feverity  of 
a  Canadian  winter.  The  natives  had  been  fo 
often  told  of  the  neceflity  of  baptifm  in  or 
der  to  falvation,  that  on  their  arrival  in  France, 
they  were  at  their  own  requeft  baptized  ;  but 
neither  of  them  lived  to  fee  their  native  land 
again. 

The  report  which  Cartier    brought   home, 
of  the  fine  country   beyond   the   Lakes,   had 
however   made   fuch   an   imprerTion    on    the 
minds  of  fome,  that,  at  the  end  of  four  years, 
another   expedition   was    projected.     Francis 
de  la  Roche,  Lord  of  Roberval,  was  commif- 
fioned  by  the  King  as  his  Lieutenant  Govern 
or  in  Canada  and  Hockelaga ;  and  Cartier  was 
appointed  his  pilot,    with    the    command   of 
five  mips.     When   they  were    ready  to  fail, 
Roberval  had    not  finimed   his    preparations, 
and  was  therefore  detained.     The   King's  or- 
.  ders  to  Cartier  being  poiitive,  he    failed   from 
St.  Malo  on  the  23d  of  May  1540. 

The  winds  were  adverfe  and  the  voyage  te 
dious.     The  fhips  were  fcattered,  and  did  not 

arrive 


C     A    R    T     I    E     R.         179 

arrive  at  the  place  of  their  deftination  till  the 
23d  of  Auguft  ;  when  they  came  to  the  port 
of  St.  Croix  in  the  river  of  Canada. 

The  firft  inquiry  made  by  the  natives  was 
for  their  countrymen   who   had   been  carried 
away.     Theanfwer  was,  that  Donacona   was 
dead,  and  that   the  others  had  become   great 
Lords,  were  married  in  France,  and  refufed  to 
return.     Neither  forrow  nor  refentment  were 
mown   on  this  occafion ;  but  a  fecret  jealou- 
fy,  which    had   long    been  working,  received 
ftrength,  from  an  anfwer  fo  liable  to  fufpicion. 
The  hiftory  of  this  voyage  being  imperfect, 
it   is  not  poflible  to    fay,   in  what   particular 
manner  this  jealoufy  operated.     Cartier  made 
another  excurfion,  up  the  river ;    and  pitched 
on  a  place  about  four  leagues  above  St.  Croix 
to  lay  up  three  of  his   veflels  for  the  winter. 
The  other  two  he  fent  back  to  France,  to  in 
form  the  King  of  what  they  had  done  -,  and 
that  Roberval  had  not  arrived. 

At  the  new  harbour,  which  he  had  chofen 
for  his  (hips,  was  a  fmall  river,  running  in  a 
ferpentine  courfe  to  the  fouth.  On  the  cart- 
em  fide  of  its  entrance  was  a  high  and  fteep 
cliff;  on  the  top  of  which,  they  built  a  fort 
and  called  it  Charleburg.  Below,  the  mips 
M  2  were 


i8o 

were  drawn  up  and  fortified,  as  they  had 
been  in  the  former  winter  which  he  fpent 
here.  Not  far  from  the  fort  were  fome  rocks 
containing  chryftals  -3  which  they  denominat 
ed  diamonds ;  and  on  the  more  were  picked 
up  certain  fpecks  of  a  yellow  fubftance,  which 
their  imaginations  refined  into  gold.  Iron 
ore  was  found  in  abundance ;  and  a  kind  of 
black  flate,  with  veins  of  an  apparent  metallic 
fubftance. 

In  what  manner  they  patted  the  winter,  the 
defective  accounts  which  we  have  do  not  in 
form  us.  In  the  fpring  of  the  following  year, 
Cartier  and  his  company  having  heard  noth 
ing  of  Roberval ;  and  concluding  that  they 
were  abandoned  by  their  friends  and  expofed 
to  perifh  in  a  climate  the  mofl  fevere,  and  a- 
mong  people  whofe  conduct  toward  them, 
was  totally  changed,  determined  to  return  to 
France.  Accordingly  having  fet  fail,  at  the 
breaking  up  of  the  ice,  they  arrived  in  the 
harbour  of  St.  John  in  Newfoundland,  fome- 
time  in  June  ;  where  they  met  Roberval, 
who,  with  three  mips  and  two  hundred  per- 
fons,  male  and  female,  had  failed  from  Rochelle 
in  April  -y  and  were  on  their  way  to  eftablim 
a  colony  in  Canada.  Cartier  went  on' board 

Roberval's 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.         181 

Roberval's  (hip,  and  fhowed  him  the  dia 
monds  and  gold  which  he  had  found  ;  but 
told  him  that  the  hoftile  difpofition  of  the 
natives  had  obliged  him  to  quit  the  country  ; 
which  however  he  reprefented  to  him  as  ca 
pable  of  profitable  cultivation.  Roberval 
ordered  him  to  return  to  Canada  ;  but  Car- 
tier  privately  failed  out  of  the  harbour  in  the 
night  and  purfued  his  voyage  to  France. 

Mortified  and  difappointed,  Roberval  con^ 
tinned  fome  time  longer  at  St.  John's  before 
he  proceeded,  and  about  the  end  of  July  ar 
rived  at  the  place  which  Cartier  had  quitted, 
There  he  creeled  a  fort  on  a  commanding 
eminence,  and  another  at  its  foot ;  in  which 
were  depofited  all  the  provifion,  ammunition, 
artillery,  implements  of  hufbandry  and  other 
materials  for  the  intended  colony. 

In  September,  two  veflels  were  fent  back 
to  France,  to  carry  fpecimens  of  chryftal, 
and  fetch  provifions  for  the  next  year ;  the 
flores  which  they  had  brought  being  much 
reduced.  By  the  help  of  the  fifh  which  they 
took  in  the  river,  and  the  game  which  they 
procured  from  the  favages  j  and  by  well  huf- 
banding  their  provifions,  they  lingered  out  a 
tedious  winter,  having  differed  much  fro'-j 
M  3  the 


182         C     A     R     T     I     E     R. 

the  fcurvy,  of  which  about  fifty  of  them  died. 
In  addition  to  this  diftrefs,  Roberval  exer- 
cifed  fuch  feverity  in  his  government,  that 
one  man  was  hanged,  feveral  were  laid  in 
irons,  and  fome  of  both  fexes  underwent  the 
difcipline  of  the  whip. 

In  April  the  ice  began  to  break  up  ;  and 
on  the  fifth  of  June  he  proceeded  up  the  riv 
er  ;  leaving  De  Royeze,  his  Lieutenant,  to 
command  in  his  abfence,  with  orders  to  em 
bark  for  France,  if  he  mould  not  return  by 
the  middle  of  July. 

As  the  account  of  the  expedition  ends 
here,  we  can  only  remark  that  the  colony  was 
broken  up  ->  and  no  farther  attempt  was  made 
by  the  French  to  eftablim  themfelves  in  Can 
ada,  till  after  the  expiration  of  half  a  century. 
The  laft  account  of  Roberval  is  that,  in  1549, 
he  failed  with  his  brother  on  fome  voyage  of 
difcovery,  and  never  returned. 

In  this  firft  vifit,  which  the  natives  of  Can 
ada  received  from  the  Europeans,  we  have  a 
iiriking  inftance  of  their  primitive  manners. 
Sufpe-fting  no  danger,  and  influenced  by  no 
fear,  they  embraced  the  ftranger  with  unaf- 
fefted  joy.  Their  huts  were  open  to  receive 
him,  their  fires  and  furs  to  give  warmth  and 

reft 


C     A     R     T     I     E     R.         183 

reft  to  his  weary  limbs  ;  their  food  was  fliar- 
ed  with  him  or  given  in  exchange  for  his  tri 
fles  -y  they  were  ready  with  their  fimple  med 
icines  to  heal  his  difeafes  and  his  wounds  ; 
they  would  wade  through  rivers  and  climb  rocks 
and  mountains  to  guide  him  in  his  way,  and 
they  would  remember  and  requite  his  kind- 
nefs  more  than  it  deferved. 

Unhappily  for  them  they  fet  too  high  a 
value  on  their  new  gueft.  Imagining  him 
to  be  of  a  heavenly  origin,  they  were  extrava 
gant  and  unguarded  in  their  firft  attachment, 
and  from  fome  fpecimens  of  his  fuperiority, 
obvious  to  their  fenfes,  they  expected  more 
than  ought  ever  to  be  expected  from  beings  of 
the  fame  fpecies.  But  when  the  miftake  was 
difcovered,  and  the  ftranger  whom  they  had 
adored,  proved  to  be  no  more  than  human, 
having  the  fame  inferior  defires  and  paffions 
with  themfelves  ;  efpecially  when  they  found 
their  confidence  mifplaced  and  their  generous 
friendship  ill  requited  ^  then  the  rage  of  jea- 
loufy  extinguimed  the  virtue  of  benevolence ; 
and  they  ftruggled  to  rid  themfelves  of  him, 
as  an  enemy,  whom  they  had  received  into  their 
bofom  as  a  friend. 

M4  On 


184        C    A    R     T     I     E     R. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  too  common  for 
the  European  adventurer,  to  regard  the  man 
of  nature  as  an  inferior  being  -y  and  whilft  he 
availed  himfelf  of  his  ftrength  and  experience, 
to  abufe  his  confidence,  and  repay  his  kindnefs 
with  infult  and  injury  ;  to  ftigmatize  him  as  a 
heathen  and  a  favage,  and  to  beftow  on  him 
the  epithets  of  deceitful,treacherous,and  cruel; 
though  he  himfelf  had  firft  let  the  example  of 
thefe  deteftable  vices. 


VII.  FERDINANDO 


VII.  FERDINANDO  DE  SOTO. 

JL  HE  travels  and  tranfactions  of  this 
adventurer  are  of  fo  little  importance  in  the 
hiftory  of  America^  that  I  mould  not  have 
thought  them  worthy  of  much  notice  ;  had 
it  not  been,  that  fome  gentlemen  of  ingenuity 
and  learning,  have  had  recourfe  to  the  expedi 
tion  of  this  Spaniard  as  a  means  of  folving  the 
queftion  refpecling  the  mounds  and  fortifica 
tions,  of  a  regular  conftvu&ion,  which  within 
a  few  years  paft  have  been  difcovered  in  the 
thickeft  {hades  of  the  American  foreft.* 
Though  the  opinion  feems  to  have  been  can 
didly  given  up  by  one  of  the  writers  who  at 
tempted  to  defend  it  j  yet,  as  what  was  publim- 
ed  on  the  fubject  may  have  imprefled  fome 
perfons  with  an  idea  that  thefe  works  were  of 
European  fabric,  I  {hall  briefly  relate  the  hiftory 
of  Soto's  march  ;  and  the  difficulties  which 

attend 

*  If  the  reader  wifhes  to  fee  a  particular  investigation  of  this 
hypothecs,  he  may  confult  the  American  Magazine,  printed  at 
New  York,  for  December  1787,  January  and  February  1788,  and 
fome  fubfequent  numbers ;  compared  with  the  Columbian  Mag 
azine,  printed  at  Philadelphia,  for  September  and  November 
1788. 


i86  SOT     O. 

attend  the  fuppofition  that  he  was  the  builder 
of  any  of  thefe  fortifications. 

After  the  conquefl  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  fixteenth  century,  the 
inextinguimable  thirft  for  gold,  which  had 
feized  the  Spanifh  adventurers,  prompted  them 
to  fearch  for  that  bewitching  metal  wherever 
there  could  be  any  profped:  of  finding  it. 
Three  unfuccefsful  attempts  had  been  made  in 
Florida,  by  Ponce,  Gomez,  and  Narvaez  ;  but 
becaufe  thefe  adventurers  did  not  penetrate  the 
interior  parts  of  the  continent  ;  FERDI NAN 
DO  DE  SOTO,  Governour  of  Cuba,  who  had 
been  a  companion  of  the  Pizarros  in  their 
Peruvian  expedition,  and  had  there  amafTed 
much  wealth,  projected  a  march  into  Florida, 
of  which  country  he  had  the  title  of  Adelan- 
tado,  or  Prefident.  He  failed  from  the  Port 
of  Havannah  May  18,  1539,  with  nine  vefTels, 
fix  hundred  men,*  two  hundred  and  thirteen 
horfes,  and  a  heard  of  fwine,  and  arrived  on  the 
3Oth  of  the  fame  month  in  the  bay  of  Efpiri- 
_  tu  Santo,  on  the  weflern  coaftof  the  peninfula 
of  Florida. 

Being 

*  In  Prince's  Chronology  it  is  faid  that  Soto  had  900  men, 
"but  he  quotes  Purchas  for  his  authority,  in  whofe  book  the  number 
is  "Jix  hundred." 


S     O     T     O.  187 

Being  a  foldier  of  fortune  and  determined 
on  conqueft,  he  immediately  pitched  his 
camp  and  fecured  it.  A  foraging  party  met 
with  a  few  Indians  who  refilled  them  ;  two 
were  killed,  the  others  efcaped,  and  reported  to 
their  countrymen  that  the  warriors  of  fire  had 
invaded  their  territories  ;  upon  which  the 
fmaller  towns  were  deferted  and  the  natives 
hid  in  the  woods. 

Having  met  with  a  Spaniard  of  the  party 
of  Narvaez,  who  had  been  wrecked  on  the 
coail,  and  had  been  twelve  years  a  captive  with 
the  Indians,  Soto  made  ufe  of  him  as  a  mef- 
fenger  to  them  to  inquire  for  gold  and  filver  ; 
and  wherever  he  could  receive  any  informa 
tion  refpecting  thefe  precious  metals  thither 
he  directed  his  march. 

His  manner  of  marching  was  this  :  The 
horfemen  carried  bags  of  corn  and  other  pro- 
vilions  ;  the  footmen  marched  by  the  fide  of 
the  horfes,  and  the  fwine  were  driven  be 
fore  them.  When  they  firft  landed  they  had 
thirteen  female  fwine,  which  in  two  years  in- 
creafed  to  feveral  hundreds  ;  the  warmth  of 
the  climate  being  favourable  to  their  propaga 
tion,  and  the  forefts  yielding  them  a  plenty  of 
food. 

The 


i88  SOT    O. 

The  firft  fummer  and  winter  were  fpent 
in  the  peninfula  of  Florida,  not  far  from  the 
bay  of  Apalache  -y  and  in  the  beginning  of 
the  following  fpring,  having  fent  back  his 
veflels  to  Cuba  for  fupplies,  and  left  a  part  of 
his  men  at  the  port,  where  he  expected  the 
fhips  to  return,  he  marched  toward  the  north 
and  eaft,  in  fearch  of  a  place  called  Yupaha, 
where  he  had  been  informed  there  was  gold. 

In  this  march  he  crofled  the  river  Altama- 
ha  and  probably  the  Ogechee,  and  came,  as  he 
was  informed,  within  two  days  journey  of  the 
bay  of  St.  Helena,  where  the  Spaniards  had 
been  feveral  years  before.  In  all  this  march 
he  ffcaid  not  more  than  a  week  in  any  one 
place, 

He  then  fet  his  face  northward,  and  having 
palled  a  hilly  country,  came  to  a  diftrict  called 
Chalaque,  which  is  fuppofed  to  be  the  coun 
try  now  called  Cherokee,  on  the  upper  branch 
es  of  the  river  Savannah.  Thence  he  turned 
• 

iveftward,  in  fearch  of  a  place  called  Chiaha, 
and  in  this  route  he  croffed  the  Allegany 
ridge,  and  came  to  Chiaha,  where  his  horfes 
and  men,  being  exceffively  fatigued,  he  refted 
thirty  days.  The  horfes  fed  in  a  meadow,  and 
and  the  people  lay  under  the  trees,  the  weath 
er 


S     O     T     O,  189 

cr  being  very  hot,  and  the  natives  in  peace. 
This  was  in  the  months  of  May  and  June. 
During  their  abode  there  they  heard  of  a 
country  called  Chifca,  where  was  copper  and 
another  metal  of  the  fame  colour.  This  coun 
try  lay  northward \  and  a  party  was  fent  with 
Indian  guides  to  view  it.  Their  report  was, 
that  the  mountains  were  impaffable,  and  Soto 
did  not  attempt  to  proceed  any  farther  in  that 
direction. 

From  a  careful  infpection  of  the  maps  in 
the  American  Atlas,  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  the  place  where  Soto  crofTed  the  moun 
tains  was  within  the  thirty  fifth  degree  of  lat 
itude.  In  Delifle's  map,  a  village  called  Ca- 
nafaga,  is  laid  down  on  the  N.  W.  lide  of  the 
Allegany  (or  as  it  is  fometimes  called)  the 
Apalachian  ridge  of  mountains,  in  that  lati 
tude  ;  and  Chiaha  is  faid  in  Soto's  journal  to 
be  five  days  weft  ward  from  Canafagua. 

To  afcertain  the  fituation  of  Chiaha  we 
rnuft  obferve  that,  it  is  faid  to  be  fubject  to 
the  Lord  of  Cofa,  which  is  fituate  on  an  eaft- 
ern  branch  of  the  Mobille ;  and  Soto's  fick 
men  came  down  the  river  from  Chiaha  in 
boats.  This  river  could  be  none  but  a  branch 
of  the  Mobille ;  and  his  courfe  was  then 

turned 


190  SOT     O. 

turned  toward  the  fouth.     In  this  march  he 
pafTed   through    Alibama,    Talife,    Tafcalufa, 
names  which  are  ftill  known  and  marked  on 
the  maps,  till  he  came  to  the  town  of  Mavil- 
la,  which  the    French  pronounced   Mouville 
and  Mabille.     It  was  then  a  walled  town,  but 
the    walls    were  of  wood.     The  inhabitants 
had    conceived  a    difgufl    to    the    Spaniards, 
which  was  augmented  by  an  outrage  commit 
ted  on  one  of  their  Chiefs,  and  finally  broke 
out  in  a  fevere  conflict,  in  which  two  thoufand 
of  the  innocent  natives  were  flain,  and  many 
of  the  Spaniards  killed  and  wounded,  and  the 
town  was  burnt.     This  was  in  the  latter  end 
of  October. 

It  is  probable  that  Soto  intended  to  pafs 
the  winter  in  the  neighbourhood  of  that  vil 
lage,  if  he  could  have  kept  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  Indians  j  for  there  he  could  have 
had  a  communication  with  Cuba.  There 
he  heard  that  the  veffels  which  he  had  fent 
to  Cuba  for  fupplies  were, arrived  at  Ochus 
[Penfacola]  where  he  had  agreed  to  meet 
them  -y  but  he  kept  this  information  fe- 
cret,  becaufe  he  had  not  yet  made  any  dif- 
coveries  which  his  Spanifh  friends  would 
think  worthy  of  regard.  The  country 

about 


S     O     T     O.  191 

about  him  was  populous  and  hoftile,  and, 
being  void  of  gold  or  filver,  was  not  an  ob- 
je£t  for  him  to  poffefs  at,  the  rifque  of  lofing 
his  army,  of  which  above  an  hundred  had 
already  perifhed.  He  therefore,  after  flay 
ing  twenty  eight  days  for  the  recovery  of  his 
wounded,  determined  on  a  retreat. 

In  this  retreat  it  has  been  fuppofed  that 
he  penetrated  northward,  beyond  the  Ohio. 
The  truth  is,  that  he  began  his  march  from 
Mavilla,  a  village  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Mobille,  on  the  i8th  of  November,  and  on 
the  1 7th  of  December  arrived  at  Chicaca, 
an  Indian  village  of  twenty  houfes,  where 
they  remained  till  the  next  April. 

The  diftance,  the  time,  the  nature  of  the 
country,  the  courfe  and  manner  of  the 
march,  and  the  name  of  the  village,  all  con 
cur  to  determine  this  winter  flation  of  Soto 
to  be  a  village  of  the  Cbickefaw  Indians,  iit- 
uate  on  the  upper  part  of  the  Yafou,  a  branch 
of  the  Midi  flip  pi,  about  eighty  leagues 
northweftward  from  Mobille,  and  not  lefs 
than  one  hundred  and  forty  leagues,  fouth- 
weftward  from  the  Mufkingum,  where  the 
great  fortifications,  which  gave  rife  to  this 
inquiry,  arc  found.  From  C/jicapa,  in  the 

fpring, 


i92  SOT     O. 

fpring,  he  went  weftward,  and  crofled  a  river 
within  the  thirty  fourth  degree  of  latitude, 
which  he  called  Rio  Grande,  and  which  is 
now  known  to  be  the  Miififfippi. 

On  the  weftern  fide  of  the  Mifliffippi,  af 
ter  rambling  all  fummer,  he  fpent  the  next 
winter,  at  a  place  called  Autiamque,  where 
he  enclofed  his  camp  with  a  wall  of  timber, 
the  work  of  three  days  only.  Within  this 
enclofure  he  lodged  fafely  during  three 
months  j  and,  in  the  fucceeding  fpring,  the 
extreme  fatigue  and  anxiety  which  he  had 
fufFered,  threw  him  into  a  fever,  of  which 
he  died,  May  21,  1542,  at  Guacoya.  To 
prevent  his  death  from  being  known  to  the 
Indians,  his  body  was  funk  in  the  middle  of 
a  river. 

His  Lieutenant,  Louis  de  Moicofco,  con 
tinued  to  ramble  on  the  weflern  lide  of  the 
Mifiiffippi,  till  the  next  fummer  ;  when  worn. 
with  fatigue,  difappointment,  and  lofs  of  men, 
he  built  feven  boats,  called  brigantines,  on  the 
Miffiffippi,  in  which,  the  Shattered  remnants, 
confifting  of  three  hundrd  and  eleven,  return 
ed  to  Cuba,  in  September  1543.* 

The  place  where  Soto  died  is  faid  to  have 
been  on  the  bank  of  the  Red  river,  a  weftern 

branch 

*  P  o!.  v,  p.  1532  to 


S     O     T     O.  193 

branch  of  the  Miffiffippi,  in  lat.  31°.  The 
place  where  the  remnant  of  his  army  built  their 
vefTels  and  embarked  for  Cuba  is  called  in  the 
journal  Minoya.  They  were  feventeen  days 
in  failing  down  the  river,  and  they  computed 
the  diftance  to  be  two  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues.* 

From  this  account,  faithfully  abridged  from 
Purchas  and  compared  with  the  beft  maps,  I 
am  fully  perfuaded  that  the  whole  country 
through  which  Soto  travelled  on  the  eaftern 
fide  of  the  Mifiifiippi  is  comprehended  with 
in  Florida,  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  j  and 
that  he  never  went  farther  northward  than 
the  35th  degree  of  latitude,  which  is  difrant 
two  degrees  fouthward  from  any  part  of  the 
Ohio.  The  concluficn  then  is,  that  he  could 
not  have  been  the  builder  of  thofe  fortifica 
tions,  ftill  remaining  in  that  part  of  the  con 
tinent,  which  lies  N.  W.  of  the  Ohio.  Nor 
indeed  can  any  works  which  he  erected  for 
the  kcurity  of  his  camp  be  fubfifting  at  this 
time ;  for  the  beft  of  them  were  made  of 
wood,  and  were  intended  to  cover  his  men 
and  protect  his  horfes  and  fwine  only  during 
one  winter.  The 

*  Mr.  Prince,  in  his  chronology, fays  400,  in  figures  ;  but  Pur- 
chas,  from  whom  he  quotes,  fays  "two  hundred  and  fifrv." 

N 


194  SOT     O. 

The  works  which  have  fo  much  excited 
curiofity  and  conjecture,  are  far  more  numer 
ous,  extenfive  and  durable.  They  are  found 
in  various  and  diftant  places,  in  the  interior 
part  of  the  continent,  on  both  fides  of  the 
MiffifTippi ;  on  the  Ohio  and  its  branches  ; 
on  James  and  Potowmack  rivers  in  Virginia ; 
in  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  on  the 
fhores  of  lake  Erie ;  where  they  are  exceed 
ingly  numerous. 

The   moft   obvious   mode   of  folvins    the 

D 

queftion  refpe<5cing  them,  is  by  inquiry  of  the 
preicnt  natives.  But  the  ftructures  are  too 
ancient  for  their  tradition;  the  oldefl  and 
wifeil  men  know  nothing  of  their  original. 
The  form  and  materials  of  thefe  works,  indi 
cate  the  exiftence  of  a  race  of  men  fuperior  to 
the  prefent  race,  in  improvement,  in  defign, 
and  in  that  patience  which  muft  have  accom 
panied  the  labour  of  erecting  them. 

Trees  which  have  been  found  growing  on 
them  have  been  cut  down,  and,  from  indubi 
table  marks,  are  known  to  have  been  upwards 
of  three  hundred  years  old;  nor  were  thefe 
the  firft  growth,  upon  them. 

The  mounds  and  ramparts  are  conftrufted 
of  earth,  and  have  acquired  afirmnefsand  fol- 

idity, 


S     O     T     O.  195 

idity,  which  render  it  probable  that  they  are 
the  work  of  fome  remote  age  and  fome  other 
people ;  who  had  different  ideas  of  conveni 
ence  and  were  better  acquainted  with  the  arts 
of  defence ;  and  in  fact,  were  much  more  nu 
merous  than  the  anceftry  of  thofe  natives, 
of  whom  we  or  our  fathers  have  had  any 
knowledge. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  perfons  who  now 
occupy  and  are  cultivating  the  lands  where 
thefe  fingular  buildings  are  found,  will  pre- 
ferve,  as  far  as  they  are  able,  fome,  at  leaft,  of 
thefe  monuments  of  unknown  ages  ;  that  as 
they  have  long  refifted  the  ravages  of  time, 
and  may  poffibly  baffle  the  refearches  of  the 
prefent  generation,  they  may  fubfift  unimpair 
ed  as  fubje&s  of  fpeculation  to  our  pofterity. 


N  2  VIII.  HUMPHREY 


196 


VIII.  HUMPHREY  GILBERT. 

A.FTER  the  difcovery  of  Newfound 
land  by  the  Cabots,  the  paflion  for  adventure, 
among  the  Engli(h,  met  with  many  fevere 
checks.  But  whilft  one  adventurer  after  a- 
nother  was  returning  home  from  an  unfuc- 
cefsful  voyage,  intended  to  penetrate  unknown 
feas  to  China ;  foreigners  were  reaping  the 
benefit  of  their  partial  difcoveries. 

Within  the  firft  forty  years  we  have  no  ac 
count  of  any  attempt  made  by  the  Engliih  to 
profecute  the  difcovery  of  the  new  continent, 
except,  that  in  1536,  two  veflels  containing 
one  hundred  and  twenty  perfons,  of  whom 
thirty  were  gentlemen  of  education  and  cha 
racter,  under  the  conducl  of  "  Mafter  Hore 
of  London"  made  a  voyage  to  Newfound 
land  ;*  but  they  were  fo  ill  provided,  and 
knew  fo  little  of  the  nature  of  the  country, 
that  they  fuffered  the  extremity  of  famine. 
For,  notwithflanding  the  immenfe  quantities 
of  fim  and  fowl  to  be  found  on  thofe  coafts ; 
they  were  reduced  fo  low  as  to  watch  the 
nefts  of  birds  of  prey  and  rob  them  of  the  fifh 

which 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii,  p.  130. 


GILBERT.         197 

which  they  brought  to  feed  their  young.  To 
collect  this  fcanty  fupply,  with  a  mixture  of 
roots  and  herbs,  the  men  difperfed  themfelves 
in  the  woods,  until  feveral  of  them  were  miff 
ing.  It  was  at  firfl  thought  that  they  were 
devoured  by  wild  beafts ;  but  it  was  found 
that  they  met  with  a  more  tragical  fate  ;  the 
ftronger  having  killed  the  weaker  and  feafted 
on  their  flefh.  In  the  midft  of  this  diftrefs, 
a  French  fliip  arriving  with  a  fupply  of  provi- 
fions,  they  took  her  by  force,  and  returned  to 
England  ;  leaving  to  the  Frenchmen  their  own 
fmaller  veffels,  and  dividing  the  provifion  be 
tween  them.  Complaint  of  this  act  of  piracy 
was  made  to  King  HENRY  VIII:  who, 
knowing  the  miferies  of  the  unfortunate  crew, 
inftead  of  puniming  them,  paid  the  damage 
out  of  his  own  coffers. 

Within  the  fucceeding  forty  years,  the 
Englifh  had  begun  to  make  fome  advantage 
by  the  fifhery  ;  and  in  1 578,  the  ftate  of  it  is 
thus  defcribed.*  "  There  are  about  one  hun 
dred  fail  of  Spaniards  who  come  to  take  cod  ; 
who  make  it  all  wet,  and  dry  it  when  they 
come  home ;  befides  twenty  or  thirty  more, 
who  come  from  Bifcay  to  kill  whales  for  train. 
N  3  Thefe 

*  Letter  of  Anthony  Parkhurft  to   Richard  Hakluyr}  vol.  iii, 
p.  132. 


198         GILBERT. 

Thefe  be  better  appointed  for  Shipping  and 
furniture  of  munition  than  any  other  nation, 
fave  the  Englifh  j  who  commonly  are  Lords 
of  the  harbours.  As  touching  their  tonnage, 
I  think  it  may  be  near  five  or  fix  thoufand. 
Of  Portugals,  there  are  not  above  fifty  fail, 
whofe  tonnage  may  amount  to  three  thoufand, 
and  they  make  all  wet.  Of  the  French  na 
tion  are  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  fail ;  the 
moil  of  their  {hipping  is  very  fmall,  not  pafl 
forty  tons ;  among  which  fome  are  great  and 
reafonably  well  appointed ;  better  than  the 
Portugals,  and  not  fo  well  as  the  Spaniards  ; 
the  burden  of  them  may  be  about  feven  thou 
fand.  The  Englifh  veiTels  have  increafed  in 
four  years  from  thirty  to  fifty  fail.  The  trade 
which  our  nation  hath  to  Iceland,  maketh, 
that  the  Englifh  are  not  there  in  fuch  num 
bers  as  other  nations." 

The  next  year  [1579]  Queen  Elizabeth 
granted  to  Sir  HUMPHREY  GILBERT,  a  pa 
tent  for  the  difcovering,  occupying  and  peop 
ling  of  "  fuch  remote,  heathen  and  barbarous 
countries  as  were  not  actually  pofTefTed  by  any 
Cbrijlian  people."*  In  confequence  of  this 
grant,  many  of  his  friends  joined  him,  and 

preparations 

*  Hakluyt  iii.  135.     ForRer,  292. 


GILBERT.         199 

preparations  were  made  for  an  expedition, 
which  promifed  to  be  highly  advantageous. 
But  before  the  fleet  was  ready,  ibme  declined 
and  retracted  their  engagements.  Gilbert, 
with  a  few  companions,  failed  ;  but  a  violent 
ftorm,  in  which  one  of  the  fhips  foundered, 
caufed  him  to  return.  This  misfortune  in 
volved  him  in  debt  j  and  he  had  no  way  to 
fatisfy  the  demands  of  his  creditors,  but  by 
grants  of  land  in  America.  By  fuch  means, 
the  country  was  not  likely  to  be  peopled,  nor 
the  conditions  of  his  patent  fulfilled.  He 
was  obliged  therefore  to  fell  his  eftate  before 
he  could  make  another  attempt  ;  and,  after 
long  felicitation,  being  affifted  by  fome 
friends,  he  fet  fail  from  Plymouth  with  five 
fhips,  carrying  two  hundred  and  fixty  men, 
on  the  eleventh  of  June  1583;  and  on  the 
eleventh  of  July  arrived  off  the  bay  of  St. 
John,  oh  the  eaftern  coaft  of  Newfoundland. 
Thirty  fix  fiming  vefTels  were  then  in  the 
harbour,  who  refufed  him  admittance.  He 
prepared  to  enter  by  force  of  arms  ;  but  pre- 
vioufly  fent  in  his  boat  with  his  commirTion 
from  Queen  Elizabeth ;  on  fight  of  which 
they  fubmitted,  and  he  failed  into  the  port.* 
N4  The 

*  Stith's  luftory  of  Virginia,  page  6. 


200         GILBERT. 

The  intention  of  this  voyage  was  to  take 
formal  polTeilion  of  the  ifland,  and  of  the  ft  fa 
ery  on  for  the  crown  of  England, 
he  following  manner  :* 
fifth  of  Auguft,  Admiral 
t  pitched  on  more,  in  light 
;  and  being  attended   by 
^upJ     --uiimoned  the  merchants  and 
mafttrs  of  veifels,  both  Englimmen  and  oth 
ers,  to  be   prefent  at  the  ceremony.     When 
they   were  all  afTembled,   his  commirTion  was 
read,  and  interpreted  to  the  foreigners.    Then 
a  turf  and  a  twig  were  delivered  to  him,  which 
he  received  with  a  hazle  wand.     Immediately, 
.proclamation  was  made,  that  by  virtue  of  his 
commiffion  from  the  Queen,  he  took  poflef- 
fion,  for  the  crown  of  England,  of  the  har 
bour  of   St.  John,  and   two  hundred  leagues 
every  way  round  it. 

He  then  published  three  laws,  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  territory.  By  the  firft,  pub 
lic  worlhip  was  eftablilhed  according  to  the 
mode  of  the  church  of  England.  By  the  fec- 
ond,  the  attempting  of  any  thing  prejudicial 
to  her  Majefty's  title  was  declared  treafon,  ac 
cording  to  the  laws  of  England.  By  the 

third, 

*  Hakluyt  iii,  151,  165. 


GILBERT.        201 

third,  the  uttering  of  words,  to  the  dimonour 
of  her  Majefty,  was  to  be  puniihed  with  the 
lofs  of  ears  and  the  confifcation  of  property. 

The  proclamation  being  finifhed,  aflent  and 
obedience  were  fignified  by  loud  acclama 
tions.  A  pillar  was  erected,  bearing  a  plate 
of  lead,  on  which  the  Queen's  arms  were  en 
graven  ;  and  feveral  of  the  merchants  took 
grants  of  land,  in  fee  farm,  on  which  they 
might  cure  their  fifti,  as  they  had  done  be 
fore. 

A  tax  of  provifion,  by  her  Majefty's  autho 
rity,  was  levied  on  all  the  mips.  This  tax 
was  readily  paid  ;  befides  which,  the  Admiral 
received  prefents  of  wine,  fruit,  and  other  re- 
frefhments,  chiefly  from  the  Portuguefe. 

This  formal  polTerTion,  taken  by  Sir  Hum 
phrey  Gilbert,  in  confequence  of  the  difcov- 
ery  by  the  Cabots,  is  the  foundation  of  the 
right  and  title  of  the  crown  of  England  to  the 
territory  of  Newfoundland  and  to  the  fimery 
on  its  banks. 

As  far  as  the  time  would  permit,  a  furvey 
was  made  of  the  country ;  one  principal  ob 
ject  of  which  was  the  difcovery  of  mines  and 
minerals.  The  mineralogift  was  a  Saxon, 
who  is  characterized  as  "  honeft  and  religious." 

This 


202         GILBERT. 

This  man  brought  to  the  Admiral  firft  a  fpe- 
cimen  of  iron,  then  a  kind  of  ore,  which,  ofi 
the  peril  of  his  life,  he  protefted  to  be  filver. 
The  Admiral  enjoined  fecrecy,  and  fent  it  on 
board ;  intending  to  have  it  allayed,  when 
they  fhould  get  to  fea. 

The  company  being  difperfed  abroad,  fome 
•were  taken  fick  and  died  ;  fome  hid  themfelves 
in  the  woods,  with  an  intention  to  go  home, 
by  the  firft  opportunity  j  and  others  cut  one 
of  the  veflels  out  of  the  harbour  and  carried 
her  off. 

On  the  twentieth  of  Auguft,  the  Admiral, 
having  collefted  as  many  of  his  men  as  could 
be  found,  and  ordered  one  of  his  veflels  to 
flay  and  take  off  the  fick,  fet  fail  with  three 
fhips ;  the  Delight,  the  Hind,  and  the  Squir 
rel.  He  coafted  along  the  fouthern  part  of 
the  ifland,  with  a  view  to  make  Cape  Breton 
and  the  Ifle  of  Sable ;  on  which  laft,  he  had 
heard  that  cattle  and  Avine  had  been  landed  by 
the  Portuguefe,  thirty  years  before. 

Being  entangled  among  moals  and  involved 
in  fogs,  the  Delight  ftruck  on  a  fand  bank  and 
was  loft.  Fourteen  men  only  faved  them 
felves  in  a  boat ;  the  lofs  of  the  Saxon  refiner 
was  particularly  noted,  and  nothing  farther 

•was 


GILBERT.         203 

was  heard  of  the  filver  ore.     This  misfortune 
determined   the    Admiral  to  return  to  Eng 
land,  without  attempting  to  make  any  farther 
difcoveries,  or  to  take  pofTeflion  of  any  other 
part  of  America.   On  his  pafTage,  he  met  with 
bad  weather.     The  Squirrel  frigate,  in  which 
Sir  Humphrey    failed,  was  overloaded  on   her 
deck ,  but  he  perfifted  in   taking   his   pafTage 
in  her,  notwithftanding  the  remonftrances  of 
his  friends,  in  the  Hind,  who  would  have  per- 
fuaded-him  to   fail    with   them.     From  the 
circumftance  of  his  returning  from  his   nrft 
voyage    without  accomplishing  its    object,    it 
had  been  reported  that  he  was   afraid   of  the 
fea ;  had  he  yielded  to  the   folicitation  of  his 
friends,  the  ftigma  might  have  been  indelible. 
When  the  wind  abated,  and  the  veflels  were 
near  enough,  the  Admiral  was  feen  conftantly 
fitting  in  the  {tern  with  a  book  in  his    hand. 
On  the  ninth  of  September,  he  was    feen   for 
the  laft  time  j  and  was  heard  by    the   people 
in  the  Hind  to  fay,  "  We  are  as   near  heaven 
by  fea  as  by  land."     In  the  following   night, 
the  lights  of  his   fnip    fuddenly   difappeared. 
The  people  in    the   other   veffel    kept  a  good 
look  out  for  him,  during  the  remainder  of  the 
voyage.     On  the  twenty  fecond  of  September, 

they 


204         GILBERT. 

they  arrived,  through  much  tempeftand  peril, 
at  Falmouth.  But  nothing  more  was  feen  or 
heard  of  the  Admiral. 

Whilft  his  zeal  for  the  interest  of  the 
Crown,  and  the  fettlements  of  its  American 
dominions,  has  been  largely  commended  ;  he 
has  been  blamed  for  his  temerity  in  lavifhing 
his  own  and  other  men's  fortunes  in  the  prof- 
ccution  of  his  defigns.  This  is  not  the  only 
inftance  of  a  wafte  of  property  in  confequence 
of  fanguine  expectations ;  which,  though  ruin 
ous  to  the  firft  adventurers,  has  produced 
folid  advantages  to  their  fuccefTors. 

Dr.  Forfter  has  a  remark  on  one  of  the  in 
cidents  of  this  voyage  which  is  worthy  of  re 
petition  and  remembrance.  "  It  is  very  clear 
(fays  he)  in  the  inftance  of  the  Portuguefe 
having  ftocked  the  lile  of  Sable  with  domeftic 
animals,  that  the  difcoverers  of  the  new  world 
were  men  of  humanity  ;  defirous  of  provid 
ing  for  fuch  unfortunate  people  as  might  hap 
pen  to  be  cafl  away  on  thofe  coafts.  The 
falfe  policy  of  modern  times  is  callous  and 
tyrannical,  exporting  dogs  to  devour  them. 
Are  thefe  the  happy  confequences  of  the  fo 
much  boafted  enlightened  (tate  of  the  prefent 

age, 


GILBERT.         205 

age,  and  refinement  of  manners  peculiar  to 
our  time  ?  Father  of  mercies,  when  will 
philanthropy  again  take  up  her  abode  in  the 
breafts  of  men,  of  Chriftians  and  the  rulers 
of  this  earth  !" 


IX.  WALTER 


206 


IX.     WALTER    RALEIGH, 

AND 

RICHARD    GRENVILLE. 

JL  HE  diftinguifhed  figure,  which  the 
life  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  makes  in  the  hif- 
tory  of  England,  renders  unneceffary  any  oth 
er  account  of  him  here,  than  what  refpedts 
his  adventures  in  America  -t  and  particularly 
in  Virginia  ;  of  which  colony  he  is  acknow 
ledged  to  have  been  the  unfortunate  founder. 

He  was  half  brother,  by  the  mother's  fide, 
to  Sir  Humphry  Gilbert,  and  was  at  the  ex- 
penfe  of  fitting  out  one  of  the  fhips  of  his 
fquadron.  Notwithstanding  the  unhappy 
fate  of  his  brother,  he  perfifled  in  his  defign 
of  making  a  fettlement  in  America.  Being  a 
favourite  in  the  court  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  he 
obtained  a  patent,  bearing  date  the  25th  of 
March  1584,  for  the  difcovering  and  planting 
of  any  lands  and  countries  which  were  not 
pofTerTed  by  any  chrijlian  prince,  or  nation. 

About  the  fame  time  the  Queen  granted 
him  another  patent,  to  licenfe  the  vending  of 
wine,  throughout  the  kingdom  ;  that  by  the 
profits  thence  arifing  he  might  be  able  to  bear 

the 


RALEIGH.         207 

,the  expenfe  of  his  intended  plan  of  coloniza 
tion.  Further  to  ftrengthen  his  intereft,  he 
engaged  the  affiftance  of  two  wealthy  kinf- 
men,  Sir  Richard  Grenville  and  William 
Sanderfon.*  They  provided  two  barks,  and 
having  well  furnimed  them  with  men  and 
provifions,  put  them  under  the  command  of 
Philip  Amadas  and  Arthur  Barlow,  who  fail 
ed  from  the  weft  of  England,  April  27, 

,584. 

They  took  the  ufual  route  by  the  way  of 
the  Canaries  and  the  Weft  Indies  ;  the  reafon 
of  which  is  thus  exprefTed  in  the  account  of 
this  voyage  written  by  Barlowf-,  u  becaufe 
we  doubted  that  the  current  of  the  bay  of 
Mexico  between  the  cape  of  Florida  and  Ha- 
vanna  had  been  of  greater  force  than  we  after 
wards  found  it  to  be." 

Taking  advantage  of  the  Gulf  ftream,  they 
approached  the  coaft  of  Florida  ;  and  on  the 
fecond  of  July  came  into  flioal  water  ;  where 
the  odoriferous  fmell  of  flowers  indicated  the 
land  to  be  near,  though  not  within  fight.  On 
the  fourth  they  faw  land  ;  along  which  they 
failed  forty  leagues  before  they  found  an  en 
trance. 

*   Stith's  Hifty.  of  Virginia,  p.  7,  8. 
t  Hakluyt,  iii,  246. 


2o8         RALEIGH. 

trance.  At  the  firft  opening,  they  caft  an 
chor  (July  13)  and  having  devoutly  given, 
thanks  to  GOD,  for  their  fafe  arrival  on  the 
coaft,  they  went  amore  in  their  boats,  and 
took  pofleffion  in  the  name  of  Queen  Eliza 
beth. 

The  place  where  they  landed  was  a  fandy 
ifland,  called  Wococon,*  about  fixteen  miles 
in  length  and  fix  in  breadth,  fall  of  cedars, 
pines,  cyprefs,  faflafras  and  other  trees  •>  a- 
mong  "which  were  many  vines  loaded  with 
grapes.  In  the  woods  they  found  deer  and 
hares  ->  and  in  the  waters  and  marmes,  vari 
ous  kinds  of  fowl ;  but  no  human  creature 

was 

*  This  ifland  is  generally  fuppofed  to  be  one  of  thofe  which  lie 
at  the  mouth  of  Alhermarle  found, on  the  cc/aft  of  North  Carolina. 
Barlow,  in  his  letter  to  Sir  W.  Raleigh,  preserved  by  Hakluyt, 
fays,  that  he,  wuh  feven  others,  went  in  about  "  twenty  miles  into 
the  river  Occam,  and,  the  evening  following,  came  to  an  ifland 
called  Roanoke,  difiant  from  the  harbour  by  which  we  entered, 
/ci'en  leagues  j  at  the  north  end  thereof  was  a  village."  Mr. 
Stub,  who  wrote  the  hiftory  of  Virginia,  and  who  acknowledges 
that  he  had  not  feen  this  letter  in  Englifh  but  in  a  Latin  tranfla- 
tion,  iuppofes.  that  the  ifland  Wococon  mufl  lie  between  cape 
Hatteras  and  cape  Fear,  and  that  the  diiiance  might  be  30  leagues. 
But  it  appears  from  Barlow's  letter  that  the  boat  went  in  one  day 
and  came  in  the  evening  to  the  north  end  of  Roanoke  ;  the  dif- 
tance  j$  .twicd  mentioned,  once  in  miles  and  once  in  leagues.  I 
fee  no  reaibn  therefore  to  admit  Stith's  conjefture  in.oppofition  to 
Barlow.  Stith  however  appears  to -have  been  a  very  clofe  and 
accurate  inquirer,  as  far  as  his  materials  and  opportunity  permitted. 


RALEIGH.         209 

was  feen,  till  the  third  day ;  when  a  canoe, 
with  three  men,  came  along  by  the  more.  One 
of  them  landed  ;  and,  without  any  fear  or  pre 
caution,  met  the  Europeans  and  addrefied  them 
in  a  friendly  manner,  in  his  own  language. 
They  carried  him  on  board  one  of  their  vef- 
fels  ;  gave  him  a  fhirt  and  fome  other  trifles, 
and  regaled  him  with  meat  and  wine.  He 
then  returned  to  his  canoe ;  and  with  his  com 
panions  went  a  fifliing.  When  the  canoe  was 
filled,  they  brought  the  fifh  on  more  and  di 
vided  them  into  two  heaps  ;  making  figns, 
that  each  of  the  vefTels  fhould  take  one. 

The  next  day,  feveral  canoes  came  5  in 
which  were  forty  or  fifty  people,  and  among 
them  was  Granganimeo,  brother  of  Wingina 
King  of  the  country  ;  who  was  confined  at 
home  by  the  wounds,  which  he  had  received 
in  battle,  with  a  neighbouring  Prince.  The 
manner  of  his  approach  was  fearlefs  and  xef- 
pedtfuL  He  left  his  boats  at  a  diftance  ;  and 
came  along  the  fhore,  accompanied  by  all  his 
people,  till  he  was  abreaft  of  the  mips.  Then 
advancing  with  four  men  only,  who  fpread  a 
mat  on  the  ground,  he  fat  down  on  one  end  ; 
and  the  four  men  on  the  other.  When  the 
Englifh  went  on  more,  armed,  he  beckoned 
O  to 


210         K     A     L     £     I     G     H. 

to  them  to  come  and  fit  by  him ;  which  they 
did,  and  he  made  figns  of  joy  and  friendfhip, 
ftriking  with  his  hand  on  his  head  and  breaft, 
and  then  on  theirs,  to  mew  that  they  were  all 
one.  None  of  his  people  fpokea  word  j  and 
when  the  Englifh  offered  them  prefents,  he 
took  them  all  into  his  own  poflemonj  making 
figns  that  they  were  his  fervants,  and  that  all 
which  they  had,  belonged  to  him. 

After  this  interview,  the  natives  came  in 
great  numbers  and  brought  fkins,  coral,  and 
materials  for  dyes  ;  but  when  Granganimeo 
was  prefent,  none  were  permitted  to  trade, 
but  himfelf  and  thofe  who  had  a  piece  of  cop 
per  on  their  heads.  Nothing  pleafed  him 
fo  much  as  a  tin  plate,  in  which  he  made  a 
hole  and  hung  it  over  his  breaft,  as  a  piece 
of  defenlive  armour.  He  fupplied  them  every 
day  with  venifon,  fifli,  and  fruits,  and  invited 
them  to  vifit  him  at  his  village,  on  the  north 
end  of  an  iiland  called  Roanoke. 

This  village  confifted  of  nine  houfes,  built 
of  cedar,  and  fortified  with  marp  palifades. 
When  the  Engliih  arrived  there  in  their  boat, 
Granganimeo  was  abfent  ;  but  his  wife  en 
tertained  them  with  the  kindeft  hofpitality, 
wafhed  their  feet  and  their  clothes,  order 
ed 


RALEIGH.         211 

ed  their  boat  to  be  drawn  amore  and  their 
oars  to  be  fecured  ;  and  then  feafted  them 
with  venifon,  fifh,  fruits,  and  homony.* 
Whilft  they  were  at  fupper,  fome  of  her 
men  came  in  from  hunting,  with  their  bows 
and  arrows  in  their  hands  ;  on  which  her 
guefts  began  to  miftruft  danger  -y  but  ihe  or 
dered  their  bows  to  be  taken  from  them,  and 
their  arrows  to  be  broken  ;  and  then  turned 
them  out  at  the  gate.  The  Englifh  however 
thought  it  moft  prudent  to  pafs  the  night  in 
their  boat,  which  they  launched  and  laid  at 
anchor.  At  this  (he  was  much  grieved  ;  but, 
finding  all  her  felicitations  ineffectual,  fhe 
ordered  the  victuals  in  the  pots  to  be  put  on 
board,  with  mats  to  cover  the  people  from 
the  rain  ;  arid  appointed  feveral  perfons  of 
both  fexes  to  keep  guard  on  the  beach  during 
the  whole  night.  Could  there  be  a  more  en 
gaging  fpecimen  of  generous  hofpitality  ? 

Thefe  people  were  characterized  as  "  gen 
tle,  loving  and  faithful  ;  void  of  guile  and 
treachery  ;  living  after  the  manner  of  the 
golden  age  -,  caring  only  to  feed  themfelves, 
with  fuch  food  as  the  foil  affordeth,  and  to 

defend 

*  Homony  is  made  of  Indian  corn  beaten  in  a  mortar  and 
fcparated  from  the  bran  ;  then  boiled  either  by  itfclf  or  in  the 
broth  of  meat. 

02 


m         RALEIGH. 

defend    themfelves  from    the  cold,    in    their 
fhort  winter." 

No  farther  difcovcry  was  made  of  the  coun 
try  by  thefe  adventurers.  From  the  natives 
they  obtained  fome  uncertain  account  of  its 
geography,  and  of  a  fhip  which  had  been 
wrecked  on  the  coaft  between  twenty  and 
thirty  years  before.  They  carried  away  two 
of  the  natives,  Wanchefe  and  Manteo  ;  and 
arrived  in  the  weft  of  England  about  the  mid 
dle  of  September. 

The  account  of  this  difcovery  was  fo  wel 
come  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  that  me  named  the 
country  Virginia  ;  either  in  memory  of  her 
own  virginity,  or  becaufe  it  retained  its  vir 
gin  purity,  and  the  people  their  primitive  fim- 
plicity. 

About  this  time  Raleigh  was  elected  knight 
of  the  mire,  for  his  native  county  of  Devon  ; 
and  in  the  Parliament  which  was  held  in  the 
fucceeding  winter,  he  cauled  a  bill  to  be 
brought  into  the  Houfe  of  Commons  to  con 
firm  his  patent  for  the  difcovery  of  foreign 
countries.  After  much  debate,  the  bill  was 
carried  through  both  houfes,  and  received  the 
royal  afTent.  In  addition  to  which,  the  Queen 
conferred  on  him  the  order  of  Knighthood.* 

A  fecond 

*  Stith,  p.  11. 


RALEIGH. 

A  fecond  expedition  being  refolved  on,  'Sir 
Richard  Grenville  himfelf  took  the  command, 
and  with  feven  veflels,  large  and  fmall,  failed 
from  Plymouth,  on  the  ninth  of  April,  1585.-)- 
They  went  in  the  ufual  courfe  by  the  Canaries 
and  the  Weft  Indies  j  where  they  took  two 
Spaniih  prizes  ;  and,  after  narrowly  efcaping 
fhipwreck  on  Cape  Fear,  arrived  at  Wococon 
the  26th  of  June 4 

The  natives  came,  as  before,  to  bid  them 
welcome  and  to  trade  with  them.  Manteo, 
whom  they  had  brought  back,  proved  a  faith-, 
ful  guide,  and  piloted  them  about  from  place 
to  place.  In  an  excursion  of  eight  days  with 
their  boats,  they  vifited  feveral  Indian  villag 
es,  on  the  iflands  and  on  the  main,  adjoining 
to  Albemarle  Sound.  At  one  place,  called 
Aquafcogok,  an  Indian  ftole  from  them  a 
filver  cup.  Inquiry  being  made,  the  offen 
der  was  detected  and  promifed  to  reftore  it ; 
but  the  promife  being  not  fpeedily  performed, 
a  hafty  and  fevere  revenge  was  taken,  by  the 
orders  of  Grenville  -,  the  town  was  burnt  and 
the  corn  deftroyed  in  the  fields,  (July  1 6) 

whilft 

•f-  Hakluyt.  iii.  251. 

J  Mr.  Stith  miftakes  in  faying  May  26,  and  Sir  William  Keith, 
•who  copies  from  him,  adopts  the  fame  miitake. 

03 


2i4        RALEIGH. 

whilft  the  affrighted  people  fled  to  the  woods 
for  fafety.  From  this  ill  judged  aft  of  vio 
lence,  may.  be  dated  the  misfortunes  and  fail 
ure  of  this  colony. 

Leaving  one  hundred  and  eight  perfons  to 
attempt  a  fettlement,  Grenville  proceeded 
with  his  fleet  to  the  ifland  of  Hatteras  3  where 
he  received  a  vifit  from  Granganimeo,  and 
then  failed  for  England.  On  the  i8th  of 
September  he  arrived  at  Plymouth  -,  with  a 
rich  Spanifh  prize  which  he  had  taken  on 
the  pafTage. 

Of  the  colony  left  in  Virginia,  Ralph  Lane 
was  appointed  Governor.  He  was  a  military 
man,  of  confiderable  reputation  in  the  fea- 
fervice.  Philip  Amadas,  who  had  command 
ed  in  the  firft  voyage,  was  Admiral.  They 
chofe  the  ifland  of  Roanoke  in  the  mouth  of 
Albemarle  Sound,  as  the  place  of  their  refi- 
dence  ;  and  their  chief  employment  was  to 
explore  and  furvey  the  country,  and  defcribe 
the  perfons  and  manners  of  its  inhabitants. 
For  thefe  purpofes,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  had 
fent  John  Withe,  an  ingenious  painter ;  and 
Thomas  Heriot,  a  fkilful  mathematician,  and 
a  man  of  curious  obfervation  :  both  of  whom 

performed 


RALEIGH.         215 

performed  their  parts  with   fidelity  and  fuc- 

cefs.* 

The  farther!  difcovery  which  they  made  to 

the  fou th ward  of  Roanoke  was  Secotan,  an 
Indian  town  between  the  rivers  of  Pamptico 
and  Neus,  diftant  eighty  leagues.  To  the 
northward  they  went  about  forty  leagues,  to 
a  nation  called  Chefepeags,  on  a  fmall  river 
now  called  Elifabeth,  which  falls  into  Chefe- 
peag  Bay,  below  Norfolk.  To  the  weftward 
they  went  up  Albemarle  Sound  and  Chowan 
river,  about  forty  leagues,  to  a  nation  called 
Chowanogs  ;  whofe  King,Menatonona,amufed 
them  with  a  flory  of  a  copper  mine  and  a 
pearl  fimery  ;  in  fearch  of  which  they  fpent 
much  time  and  fo  exhaufled  their  provifions, 

that 

*  The  drawings  which  Mr.  Withe  made  were  engraven  and 
printed  at  Frankfort  (1590,)  by  Theodore  De  Bry.  They  repre- 
fent  the'pcrfons  and  habits  of  the  natives,  their  employments,  di- 
verfions  and  fuperftitions.  From  thefe,  the  prints  in  Beverley's 
hiftory  of  Virginia  are  copied. 

Mr.  Heriot  wrote  a  topographical  defcription  of  the  country 
and  its  natural  hiftory,  which  is  pieferved  in  Hakluyt's  collection 
vol.  iii,  226.  It  was  tranflated  into  Latin,  and  publiflied  by  De 
Bry  in  his  collection  of  voyages.  It  has  been  fuppofed  that  Ra 
leigh  himfelf  came  to  Virginia  with  this  colony.  This  is  a  mif- 
take,  grounded  on  a  miftranflation  of  a  pafTage  in  Heriot's  narrative. 
It  is  thus  exprefled  in  Englifli  "The  aftions  of  thofe  who  have 
been  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  therein  employed."  Which  is 
thus  rendered  in  the  Latin  tranflation,  "qui  generofum  D.  Wai- 
tcrum  Ralegh,  in  earn  regioncm  cbmitati  funi."  Stith,  p.  22. 


RALEIGH. 

that  they  were  glad  to  eat  their  dogs   before 
they  returned  to  Roanoke. 

During  this  excurfion,  their   friend   Gran- 
ganimeo  died  ;  and  his  brother  Wingina  dif- 
covered  his  hoftile  difpofition  toward  the  col 
ony.     The  return  of  Mr.  Lane  and  his  party, 
from  their  excurfion,  gave  a  check  to  his  mal 
ice  for  a  while  ;  but  he   fecretly   laid  a  plot 
for  their  deftrudion  ;  which   being  betrayed 
to  the  Englifh,  they  feized  all   the   boats   on 
the  iiland.     This  brought  on  a  fkirmifh,    in 
which  five  or  fix  Indians  were  killed,  and  the 
reft  fled  to  the  woods.     After  much  jealoufy 
and  diflimulation  on  both  fides,  Wingina  was 
drawn  into  a  fnare  ;  and  with   fight  of  his 
men,  fell  a  facrifice  to  the  refentment  of  the 
Englifh. 

In  a  few  days  after  Wingina' s  death,  Sir 
Francis  Drake,  who  had  been  cruifing  againft 
the  Spaniards  in  the  Weft  Indies,  anct  had 
received  orders  from  the  Queen  to  vifit  this 
colony,  arrived  with  his  fleet  onthecoaft;  and 
by  the  unanimous  defire  of  the  people,  took 
them  all  off  and  carried  them  to  England, 
where  they  arrived  in  July  1586. 

Within  a  fortnight  after  the  departure  of 
this  unfortunate  colony,  Sir  Richard  Grenville 

arrived 


RALEIGH.         217 

arrived  with  three  mips  for  their  relief.  Find 
ing  their  habitation  abandoned,  and  being  un- 
abJe  to  gain  any  intelligence  of  them  ;  he 
landed  fifty  men,  on  the  ifland  of  Roanoke, 
plentifully  fupplied  with  provifions  for  ttvp 
years,  and  then  returned  to  England. 

The  next  year  (1587)  three  mips  were  fent, 
under  the  command  of  John  White,  who 
was  appointed  Governor  of  the  colony,  with 
twelve  Counfellors.  To  them  Raleigh  gave 
a  charter  of  incorporation  for  the  city  of  Ra 
leigh,  which  he  ordered  them  to  build  on  the 
river  Chefepeag,  the  northern  extent  of  the 
difcovery.  After  narrowly  efcaping  fhip wreck 
on  Cape  Fear,  they  arrived  at  Hatteras,  on 
the  22d  of  July,  and  fcnt  a  party  to  Roanoke 
to  look  for  the  fecond  colony  of  fifty  men. 
They  found  no  perfon  living,  and  the  bones 
of  but  one  dead.  The  huts  were  {landing ; 
but  were  overgrown  with  bufhes  and  weeds. 
In  converfation  with  fome  of  the  natives,  they 
were  informed,  that  the  colony  had  been  de- 
ftroyed  by  Wingina's  people,  in  revenge  of 
his  death. 

Mr.  White  endeavoured  to  renew  a  friendly 
intercourfe  with  thofe  natives ;  but  their  jea- 
Joufy  rendered  them  implacable.     He  there 
fore 


218        RALEIGH. 

fore  went  acrofs  the  water  to  the  main  with 
a  party  of  twenty  five  men,  and  came  fudden- 
ly  on  a  company  of  friendly  Indians,  who 
were  feated  round  a  fire,  one  of  whom  they 
killed  before  they  difcovercd  the  miftake. 

Two  remarkable  events  are  mentioned  as 
happening  at  this  time ;  one  was  the  baptifm 
of  Manteo,  the  faithful  Indian  guide ;  the 
other  was  the  birth  of  a  female  child,  daugh 
ter  of  Ananias  Dare,  one  of  the  Council ; 
which,  being  the  firft  child  born  in  the  colo 
ny,  was  named  Virginia. 

By  this  time  (Auguft  21)  the  mips  had  un 
loaded  their  ftores  and  were  preparing  to  re 
turn  to  England.  It  was  evident  that  a  farth 
er  fupply  was  necefTary,  and  that  fome  perfon 
muft  go  home  to  folicit  it.  A  difpute  arofe 
in  the  Council  on  this  point,  and  after  much 
altercation,  it  was  determined,  that  the  Gov 
ernor  was  the  moft  proper  perfon,  to  be  fent 
on  this  errand.  The  whole  colony  joined  in 
requeuing  him  to  proceed,  promifing  to  take 
care  of  his  intereft  in  his  abfence.  With 
much  reluclance  he  confented,  on  their  fub- 
fcribing  a  teftimonial  of  his  unwillingnefs  to 
quit  the  plantation.  He  accordingly  failed  on 
the  27th  of  Auguft,  and  arrived  in  England 

the 


RALEIGH.         219 

the  following  November.  The  nation  was 
in  a  ftate  of  alarm  and  apprehenfion  on  ac 
count  of  the  war  with  Spain,  and  of  the  in 
vincible  armada,  which  had  threatened  it 
with  an  invafion.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was 
one  of  the  Queen's  Council  of  war,  as  were 
alfo  Sir  Richard  Grenville  and  Mr.  Lane. 
Their  time  was  wholly  taken  up  with  public 
confultations,  and  Governor  White  was  o- 
bliged  to  wait,  till  the  plan  of  operations  a- 
gainfl  the  enemy  could  be  adjufted  and  carri 
ed  into  execution. 

The  next  fpring,  Raleigh  and  Grenville,  who 
had  the  command  of  the  militia  in  Cornwall, 
and  were  training  them  for  the  defence  of  the 
kingdom  ;  being  ftrongly  folicited  by  White, 
provided  two  fmall  barks,  which  failed  from 
Biddeford  on  the  2 ad  of  April  1588.  Thefe 
veffels  had  commifTions  as  mips  of  war,  and 
being  more  intent  on  gain  to  themfelves,  than 
relief  to  the  colony,  went  in  chace  of  prizes, 
and  were  both  driven  back  by  mips  of  fuperi- 
or  force,  to  the  great  mortification  of  their 
patron,  and  the  ruin  of  his  colony. 

Thefe  difappointments  were  a  fource  of 
vexation  to  Raleigh.  He  had  expended  forty 
thoufand  pounds,  of  his  own  and  other  men's 

money, 


220         RALEIGH. 

money,  in  purfuit  of  his  favourite  object  ;  and 
his  gains  were  yet  to  come.  He  therefore 
made  an  alignment  of  his  patent  (March  7, 
1.589)  to  Thomas  Smith,  and  other  merch 
ants  and  adventurers,  among  whom  was  Gov 
ernor  White  ;  with  a  donation  of  one  hun 
dred  pounds,  for  the  propagation  of  the  Chrif- 
tian  religon  in  Virginia.  Being  thus  difen- 
gaged  from  the  bufmefs  of  colonization  ;  he 
had  full  fcope  for  his  martial  genius,  in  the 
war  with  Spain. 

His  affignees  were  not  fo  zealous  in  the  pro- 
iecution  of  their  bufinefs.  It  was  not  till  the 
fpring  of  1590,  that  Governor  White  could 
return  to  his  colony.  Then,  with  three 
mips,  he  failed  from  Plymouth,  and  paffing 
through  the  Weft  Indies,  in  queft  of  Spanifli 
prizes,  he  arrived  at  Hatteras  on  the  i5th  of 
Auguft.  From  this  place  they  obferved  a 
imoke  arifmg  on  the  ifland  of  Roanoke  j 
which  gave  them  fome  hope  that  the  colony 
was  there  fubfifting;  on  their  coming  to  the 
place,  they  found  old  trees  and  grafs  burning, 
ofbut  no  human  being.  On  a  poft  of  one 
of  the  houfes  they  faw  the  word  Croatant 
which  gave  them  fome  hope,  that  at  the 
ifland  of  that  name  they  fhould  find  their 

friends. 


RALEIGH.         221 

friends.  They  failed  for  that  ifland  ;  which 
lay  fouthward  of  Hatteras ;  but  a  violent 
ftorm  arifing,  in  which  they  loft  their  anch 
ors,  they  were  obliged  to  quit  the  inhofpita- 
ble  coaft  and  return  home ;  nor  was  any  thing 
afterward  heard  of  the  unfortunate  colony. 

The  next  year  (1591)  Sir  Richard  Gren- 
ville  was  mortally  wounded  in  an  engagement 
with  a  Spanim  fleet ;  and  died  on  board  the 
Admiral's  mip,  where  he  was  prifoner. 

Raleigh,  though  difengaged  from  the  bufi- 
nefs  of  colonizing  Virginia,  lent  five  times  at 
his  own  expenfe  to  feek  for  and  relieve  his 
friends ;  but  the  perfons  whom  he  employed, 
having  more  profitable  bufinefs  in  the  Weft 
Indies,  either  went  not  to  the  place,  or  were 
forced  from  it  by  ftrefs  of  weather  j  it  being 
a  tempeftuous  region,  and  without  any  fafe 
harbour.  The  laft  attempt  which  he  made, 
was  in  1602  ;  the  year  before  his  imprifon- 
ment  ;  an  event  which  gratified  the  malice 
of  his  enemies,  and  prepared  the  way  for  his 
death  ;  which  was  much  lefs  ignominious  to 
him  than  to  his  fovereign,  King  James  I,  the 
Britifli  Solomon  ;  fuccefTor  to  Elizabeth,  the 

Britim  Deborah.* 

This 

*  As  a  fpecimcn  of  the  language  of  that  time,  let  the  reader 
iake  the  following  extraft  from  Purehas, 

«  He 


222         RALEIGH. 

This  unfortunate  attempt  to  fettle  a  colony 
in  Virginia,  was  productive  of  one  thing  which 
will  always  render   it  memorable,    the   intro 
duction  of  tobacco  into  England.     Cartier,   in 
his  vifit  to  Canada,    fifty   years    before,   had 
obferved   that   the    natives    ufed   this   weed 
fumigation,  but  it  was  an   object   of  difguft 
to  Frenchmen.     Ralph  Lane,  at  his   return 
in  1586,  brought  it  firft  into    Europe  -,  and 
Raleigh,  who  was  a  man  of  gaiety  and  fafhion, 
not  only  learned  the  uie  of  it  himfelf,  but  in 
troduced  it  into  the  polite  circles  j  and   even 
the  Queen  herfelf  gave  encouragement   to  it. 
Some  humourous  ftories  refpecting  it  are  ftill 
remembered.     Raleigh  laid  a  wager   with  the 
Queen,  that  he  would  determine  exactly,    the 
weight  of  fmoke  which  iffued  from  his  pipe. 
This  he  did  by  firft  weighing  the  tobacco  and 
then  the  aihes.     When  the    Queen   paid  the 
wager,  me  pleafantly  obferved,  that  many  la 
bourers  had  turned    their   gold  into  fmoke  j 
but  that  he  was   the  firjfl   who  had  converted 
fmoke  into  gold. 

It 

"  He  [i.  e.  King  James]  is  beyond  comparifon  a  raeer  tranf- 
cendcnt,  beyond  all  his  predeceflbrs,  princes  of  this  realm.;  be 
yond  the  neigbouring  princes  of  his  own  time  ;  beyond  the 
conceit  of  fubjefts  dazzled  with  fo  much  brightnefs  ;  beyond 
our  vi£lorious  Deborah,  not  in  fex  alone,  but  as  peace  is  more  ex 
cellent  than  war,  and  Solomon  than  David  ;  in  this  alfo  thitt  hr 
is,  and  we  enjoy  his  prefent  funfhine." 


RALEIGH.        223 

It  is  alfo  related  that  a  fervant  of  Sir  Wal 
ter,  bringing  a  tankard  of  ale  into  his  ftudy  as 
he  was  fmoking  his  pipe,  and  reading,  was 
fo  alarmed  at  the  appearance  of  fmoke,  iffuing 
out  of  his  mouth,  that  he  threw  the  ale  into 
his  face,  and  ran  down  to  alarm  the  family, 
crying  out  that  his  mafter  was  on  fire. 

King  James  had  fo  refined  a  tafte,  that  he 
not  only  held  this  Indian  weed  in  great  abhor 
rence  himfelf,  but  endeavoured,  by  proclama 
tions  and  otherwife,  to  prevent  the  ufe  of 
it  among  his  fubjedts.  But  all  his  zeal  and 
authority  could  not  fupprefs  it.  Since  his 
time  it  has  become  an  important  article  of 
commerce,  by  which  individuals  in  Europe 
and  America,  as  well  as  colonies  and  nations, 
have  rifen  to  great  opulence. 


X.  JOHN 


224 

X.     JOHN    D  E    F  U  C  A. 

VvHEN  the  exiftence  of  a  weftern 
continent  was  known  to  the  maritime  nations 
of  Europe,  one  great  object  of  their  in 
quiry  was,  to  find,  through  feme  openings 
which  appeared  in  it,  a  paflage  to  India  and 
China.  For  this  purpofe  feveral  expenfive 
and  unfucceisful  voyages  were  made  -,  and  ev 
ery  hint  which  could  throw  any  light  on  the 
&bjedt  was  eagerly  fought  and  attended  to, 
by  thole  who  coniidercd  its  importance. 

JOHN  DE  F'ucA  was  a  Greek,  born  in  the 
iiland  of  Cephalonia  in  the  Adriatic  gulf.  He 
had  been  employed  in  the  fervice  of  Spain,  in 
the  Weft  Indies,  as  a  mariner  and  pilot,  above 
forty  years.  Having  loft  his  fortune,  amount 
ing  (as  he  faid)  to  fixty  thoufand  ducats,  when 
the  Acapulco  fhip  was  taken,  by  Captain 
Cavendish  an  Englishman  ;  and  being  difap- 
pointed  of  the  recompenfe  which  he  had  ex 
pected  from  the  court  of  Spain  ;  he  returned 
in  difguft,  to  his  native  country,  by  the  way 
of  Italy  ;  that  he  might  fpend  the  evening  of 
his  life,  in  peace  and  poverty,  among  his 

friends. 

At 


D     E      F     U     C     A. 

At  Florence  he  met  with  John  Douglas,  an 
Englifhman,  and  went  with  him  to  Venice. 
There,  Douglas  introduced  him  to  Michael 
Lock,  who  had  been  Conful  of  the  Turkey 
company  at  Aleppo,  and  was  then  occafional- 
ly  refident  in  Venice.  (A.  D.  1596.) 

In  converfation  with  Mr.  Lock,  De  Fuca 
gave  him  the  following  account  of  his  adven 
tures. 

"  That  he  had  been  fent  by  the  Viceroy  of 
Mexico,  as  pilot  of  three  fmall  veflels,  to  dif- 
cover  the  flraits  of  Anian,  on  the  weftern 
coaft  of  America  -y  through  which,  it  was 
conjectured  that  a  paffage  might  be  found,  in 
to  fome  of  the  deep  bays  on  the  eaftern  fide  of 
the  continent.  This  voyage  was  fruftrated,  by 
the  mifcondud:  of  the  commander,  and  the 
mutiny  of  the  feameri; 

"  In  1592  the  Viceroy  fent  him  again,  with 
the  command  of  a  caravel  and  a  pinnace,  on  the 
fame  enterprize.  Between  the  latitudes  of  47° 
and  48°  N.  he  difcovered  an  inlet,  into  which 
he  entered  and  failed  more  than  twenty  days. 
At  the  entrance  was  a  great  headland,  with  an 
exceeding  high  pinnacle  orfpired  fock,  like  a 
pillar.  Within  the  ftrait,  the  land  ftfetched 
N,W*  and  N.E.  and  alfo  E.  and  S.E.  It  was 
P  much 


D     K       F     U     C     A. 

much  wider  within,  than  at  the  entrance,  and 
contained  many  iflands.  The  inhabitants  were 
clad  in  the  (kins  of  beafts.  The  land  appear 
ed  to  be  fertile  like  that  of  New  Spain,  and 
was  rich  in  gold  and  filver. 

"  Suppofing  that  he  had  accomplifhed  the 
intention  of  the  voyage  and  penetrated  into 
the  North  Sea  ;  but  not  being  ftrong  enough, 
to  refift  the  force  of  the  numerous  favages, 
who  appeared  on  the  mores ;  he  returned  to 
Acapulco,  before  the  expiration  of  the  year." 

Such  was  the  account  given  by  De  Fuca  ; 
and  Mr.  Lock  was  fo  imprefled  with  the  fin- 
cerity  of  the  relation  and  the  advantages  which 
his  countrymen  might  derive  from  a  know 
ledge  of  this  flrait ;  that  he  earneftly  urged 
him  to  enter  into  the  fervice  of  Queen  Eliza 
beth,  and  perfedl  the  difcovery.  He  fucceed- 
ed  fo  far,  as  to  obtain  a  promife  from  the 
Greek,  though  fixty  years  old  -y  that  if  the 
Queen  would  furnifli  him  with  one  mip,  of 
forty  tons,  and  a  pinnace,  he  would  undertake 
the  voyage.  He  was  the  more  eafily  per- 
fuaded  to  this,  by  a  hope  that  the  Queen 
would  make  him  fome  recompence  for  the 
lofs  of  his  fortune  by  Capt.  Cavendifh. 

Mr. 


D     E       F     U     C     A.  227 

Mr.  Lock  wrote  to  the  Lord  Treafurer 
Cecil,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  and  Mr.  Hakluyt, 
requeuing  that  they  would  forward  the 
fcheme,  and  that  one  hundred  pounds  might 
be  advanced  to  bring  De  Fuca  to  England. 
The  fcheme  was  approved  ;  but  the  money 
was  not  advanced.  Lock  was  fo  much  en 
gaged  in  it,  that  he  would  have  fent  him  to 
England  at  his  own  expenfe  ;  but  he  was 
then  endeavouring  to  recover  at  law,  his  de 
mands  from  the  Turkey  company,  and  could 
not  difburfe  the  money.  The  pilot  there 
fore  returned  to  Cephalonia  -y  and  Lock  kept 
up  a  correfpondence  with  him,  till  1602, 
when  he  heard  of  his  death. 

Though  this  account,  preferved  by  Pur- 
chas,*  bears  fufficient  marks  of  authenticity  •, 
yet  it  has  been  rejected  as  fabulous  for  nearly 
two  centuries  ;  and  is  treated  fo  even  by  the 
very  candid  Dr.  Forfter.-j-  Recent  voyages 
however,  have  eftabiimed  the  exiftence  of  the 
ilrait  ;  and  De  Fuca  is  no  longer  to  be  con- 
iidered  as  an  importer ;  though  the  gold  and 
iilvcr  in  his  account  were  but  conjectural. 

The  ftrait  which  now  bears  his  name  is 
formed  by  land,  which  is  fuppofed  to  be  the 

continent 

*  Lib.  iv,  chap,  xx,  p.  849.  +  Nprthern  voyages,  p.  451. 

P  2    * 


228  D     E       F     U     C     A. 

continent  of  America  on  one  fide  -y  and  by  a 
very  extenfive  clufter  of  iflands  on  the  other. 
Its  fouthern  entrance  lies  in  lat.  48°  20'  N. 
long.  124°  W.  from  Greenwich,  and  is  about 
feven  leagues  wide.  On  the  larboard  fide, 
which  is  compofed  of  iflands,  the  land  is  very 
mountainous ;  rifing  abruptly  in  high  and 
fharp  peaks.  On  the  ftarboard  fide,  is  a  point 
of  land  terminating  in  a  remarkably  tall  rock, 
called  the  pillar.  Within  the  entrance,  the 
pafTage  grows  wider,  extending  to  the  S.  E. 
N,  and  N.  W.  and  is  full  of  iflands.  On  the 
E.  and  N.  E.  at  a  great  diftance  are  feen  the 
tops  of  mountains ;  fuppofed  to  be  on  the 
continent ;  but  the  mips  trading  for  furs  have 
not  penetrated  far  to  the  eaftward ;  the  fea 
otters  being  their  principal  object,  and  the 
land  furs  of  fmall  confideration.  For  this 
reafori)  the  eaftern  boundary  of  the  inland  fea 
is  not  yet  fully  explored.  The  ftrait  turns  to 
the  N.  and  N.  W.  encompaiTing  a  large 
clufter  of  iflands,  among  which  is  fituate 
Nootka  Sound,  and  comes  into  the  Pacific 
ocean  again  in  lat.  51°  15',  long.  128°  40'. 
This  extremity  of  the  ftrait  is  called  its  north 
ern  entrance,  and  is  wider  than  the  fouthern. 

Another 


D     E       F     U     C     A. 

Another  ftrait  has  been  lately  feen  which  is 
fuppofed  to  be  that  of  De  Fonte,  a  Spanish 
Admiral,  difcovered  in  1640  ;  the  exiftence  of 
which  has  alfo  been  treated  as  fabulous.  The 
clufter  of  iflands,  called  by  the  Britifh  feamen 
Queen  Charlotte's,  and  by  the  Americans, 
Wa(hington's  iflands,  are  in  the  very  fpot 
where  De  Fonte  placed  the  Archipelago  of 
St.  Lazarus.*  The  entrance  only  of  this 
ftrait  has  been  vifited  by  the  fur  mips.  It 
lies  in  lat.  54°  35'  and  long.  131°  W.-f~ 

Thefe  recent  and  well  eftablifhed  facts  may 
induce  us,  to  treat  the  relations  of  former 
voyages  with  decent  refpect.  The  circum*- 
navigation  of  Africa  by  the  ancient  Phenicians, 
was  for  feveral  ages  deemed  fabulous  by  the 
learned  Greeks  and  Romans.  But  its  credi 
bility  was  fully  eftablimed  by  the  Portuguefe 
difcoveries  in  the  fifteenth  century.  In  like 
manner  the  difcoveries  of  De  Fuca  and  De 

Fonte 

*  Sec  the  Critical  Review,  January,  1791. 

f  For  this  information  I  am  indebted  to  Captain  ROBERT 
GRAY  ;  who  has  the  laft  fummer,  (1793)  returned  from  a  fecond 
circumnavigation  of  the  globe  in  the  {hip  Columbia  of  Bofion. 
Pie  has  failed  quite  through  the  flrait  of  De  Fuca;  and  feen  the 
entrance  of  that  of  De  Fonte.  The  latitudes  and  longitudes  of 
thefe  places  are  taken  from  a  very  neat  and  accurate  map  of  the 
N.  W.  coaft  of  America,  drawn  by  Mr.  HAS  WELL,  firxl  Mate 
of  the  Columbia  in  her  late  voyage. 

PS 


230  D     E       F     U     C     A. 

Fonte  which  have  long  been  fligmatized  by 
geographers  as  pretended,  and  marked  in  their 
maps  as  imaginary,  are  now  known  to  have 
been  founded  in  truth,  though  from  the  im 
perfection  of  inftruments  or  the  inaccuracy  of 
hiftorians,  the  degrees  and  minutes  of  latitude 
and  longitude  were  not  precifely  marked,  and 
though  fome  circumftances  in  their  accounts 
are  but  conjectural.  Farther  difcoveries  may 
throw  new  light  on  the  fubject,  and  though 
perhaps  a  N.  W.  paffage,  by  fea,  from  the 
Atlantic  into  the  Pacific  may  not  exift  -,  yet 
bays,  rivers  and  lakes  are  fo  frequent  in  thofe 
northern  regions  of  our  continent  that  an  in 
land  navigation  may  be  practicable. 

It  has  been  fuggefted  that  the  company  of 
Englifh  merchants  who  enjoy  an  exclulive 
trade  to  Hudfon's  Bay  have,  from  interefted 
motives,  concealed  their  knowledge  of  its 
weftern  extremities.  Whether  there  be  any 
juft  foundation  for  this  cenfure,  I  do  not  pre 
tend  to  determine  -3  but  a  furvey  is  faid  to  be 
now  making,  from  which,  it  is  hoped,  that 
this  long  contefted  queftion  of  a  N.  W.  paff- 
age  will  receive  a  full  folution. 

XI.  BARTHOLOMEW 


231 


XL    BARTHOLOMEW   GOSNOLD. 


T^ 


JL  HE  unfortunate  iflue  of  Raleigh's  at 
tempt  to  make  a  fettlement  in  America,  to 
gether  with  the  war  with  Spain,  which  con 
tinued  for  feveral  years,  gave  a  check  to  the 
fpirit  of  colonizing.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
feventeenth  century  it  was  revived  by  BAR 
THOLOMEW  GOSNOLD,  an  intrepid  mariner 
in  the  weft  of  England.  At  whofe  expenfe 
he  undertook  his  voyage,  to  the  northern  part 
of  Virginia,  does  not  appear  -,  but,  on  the 
26th  of  March  1602,  he  failed  from  Fal- 
mouth,  in  Cornwall,  in  a  fmall  bark,  with 
thirty  two  men.  Inftead  of  going  by  the 
way  of  the  Canaries  and  the  Weft  Indies,  he 
kept  as  far  north  as  the  winds  would  permit, 
and  was  the  firft  Engliihman  who  came  in  a 
dired  courfe  to  this  part  of  America. 

On  the  1 4th  of  May  they  made  the  land, 
and  met  with  a  lhallop  of  European  fabric, 
in  which  were  eight  favages,  one  of  whom 
was  drefled  in  European  clothes ;  from  which 
they  concluded  that  fome  unfortunate  fifher- 
men  of  Bifcay  or  Brittany,  had  been  wrecked 
on  the  coaft. 

P  4  The 


232         G     O     S     N     O     L     D. 

The  next  day  they  had  again  fight  of  land, 
which  appeared  like  an  ifland,  by  reafon  of  a 
large  found  which  lay  between  it  and  the 
main.  This  found  they  called  Shole  Hope. 
Near  this  cape  they  took  a  great  number  of 
cod,  from  which  circumftance  they  named 
the  land  Cape  Cod.  It  is  defcribed  as  a  low 
fandy  fhore  in  the  latitude  of  42°.  The  Cap 
tain  went  on  fhore  and  found  the  fand  very 
deep.  A  young  Indian,  with  plates  of  copper 
hanging  to  his  ears,  and  a  bow  and  arrows  in 
his  hand,  came  to  him,  and  in  a  friendly  man 
ner  offered  his  fervice. 

On  the  1 6th,  they  coafted  the  land  fouth- 
erly,  and  at  the  end  of  twelve  leagues  difcov- 
ered  a  point,  with  breakers  at  a  diflance  ;  and, 
in  attempting  to  double  it,  came  fuddenly  in 
to  moal  water.  To  this  point  of  land  they 
gave  the  name  of  Point  Care  ;  it  is  now  call 
ed  Sandy  Point,  and  forms  the  foutheaftern. 
extremity  of  the  county  of  Barnftable,  in 
Maffachufetts. 

Finding  themfelves  furrounded  by  fhoals 
and  breakers,  they  lay  at  anchor  till  they  had 
examined  the  coaft  and  foundings  in  their 
boat  •  during  which  time  fome  of  the  natives 
made  them  a  vifit.  One  of  them  had' a  plate 

of 


G     O     S    N    O     L     D.         233 

of  copper  over  his  breaft,  a  foot  in  length  and 
half  a  foot  in  breadth  ;  the  others  had  pend 
ants  of  the  fame  metal  at  their  ears :  they  all 
had  pipes  and  tobacco,  of  which  they  were 
very  fond. 

In  furveying  the  coaft  they  difcovercd 
breakers  lying  off  a  point  of  land,  which  they 
denominated  Gilbert's  Point;  it  is  now  call 
ed  Point  Gammon,  and  forms  the  eaftern  fide 
of  the  harbour  of  Hyennes. 

On  the  1 9th  they  pafTed  the  breach  of  Gil 
bert's  Point,  in  four  and  five  fathoms  of  water, 
and  anchored  a  league  or  more  to  the  weft- 
ward  of  it.  Several  hummocks  and  hills 
appeared,  which  at  firft  were  taken  to  be 
iflands  -,  thefe  were  the  high  lands  of  Barnfta- 
ble  and  Yarmouth. 

To  the  weftward  of  Gilbert's  Point,  ap 
peared  an  opening,  which  Gofnold  imagined 
to  have  a  communication  with  the  fuppofed 
found  which  he  had  feen  weftward  of  Cape 
Cod  -,  he  therefore  gave  it  the  fame  name 
Shole  Hope ;  but  finding  the  water  to  be  no 
more  than  three  fathoms  deep,  at  the  diftance 
of  a  league,  he  did  not  attempt  to  enter  it. 
From  this  opening,  the  land  tended  to  the 
fouthweft ;  and,  in  coafting  it,  they  came  to 

an 


234        G     O     S     N     O     L     D. 

an  ifland  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
Marthas  Vineyard.  This  ifland  is  defer ibed 
as  "diftant  eight  leagues  from  Shole  Hope, 
five  miles  in  circuit,  and  uninhabited ;  full 
of  wood,  vines  and  berries  :  here  they  faw 
deer  and  took  abundance  of  cod." 

From  their  flation  off  this   ifland,  where 
they  rode  in  eight  fathoms,  they  failed  on  the 
24th;  and  doubled  the  cape  of  another  ifland, 
next  to   it,  which   they  called   Dover  cliff : 
this  courfe  brought  them  into  a  found,  where 
they   anchored   for   the  night,  and  the   next 
morning  fent  their  boat  to  examine  another 
cape,  which  lay  between  them  and  the  main, 
from  which  projected  a  ledge  of  rocks,  a  mile 
into  the  fea,  but  all  above  water,  and  not  dan 
gerous.      Having  pafTed    round    them,    they 
came  to  anchor   again,   in  one   of  the  finefl 
founds,  which  they  had  ever  feen  ±    and    to 
\vhich  they  gave  the  name  of  Gofnold's  Hope. 
On  the  northern  fide  of  it  was  the  main ;  and 
on  the  fouthern,  parallel  to  it,  at  the  diftance 
of  four  leagues,  was  a  large  ifland  which  they 
called  Elizabeth,   in  honor  of  their   Queen. 
On  this    ifland   they  determined  to  take  up 
their  abode  ;  and  pitched  upon  a  fmall  woody 
iflet  in  the  middle  of  a  frefh  pond,  as  a   fafe 

place 


G     O     S     N     O     L     D.         235 

place  to  build  their  fort.  A  little  to  the 
northward  of  this  large  ifland  lay  a  fmall  one 
half  a  mile  in  compafs,  and  full  of  cedars. 
This  they  called  Hill's  Hap.  On  the  op- 
pofite  northern  more  appeared  another  firm- 
lar  elevation  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
Hap's  Hill. 

By  this  defcription  of  the  coaft  it  is  evident 
that  the  found  into  which  Gofnold  entered 
was  Buzzard's  Bay.  The  iflarid  which  he 
called  Martha's  Vineyard,  was  not  that  which 
now  goes  by  that  name,  but  a  fmall  iflarid, 
the  eafternmoft  of  thofe  which  are  known  by 
the  name  of  Elizabeth's  iilands.  It  is  called 
by  the  Indians  NenimiiTett  -,  its  prefent  cir 
cumference  is  about  four  miles,  but  it  has 
doubtlefs  been  diminimed  fince  Gofnold's 
time,  by  the  force  of  the  tides  which  fet  into 
and  out  of  the  bay  with  great  rapidity.  Its 
natural  produdtions  and  pleafant  fituation  an- 
fwer  well  to  his  defcription ;  and  deer  are 
frequently  feen  and  hunted  upon  it  :  but 
none  were  ever  known  to  have  been  on  the 
great  ifland,  now  called  Martha's  Vineyard ; 
which  is  above  twenty  miles  in  length  and 
was  always  full  of  inhabitants.  For  what 
reafon  and  at  what  time  the  name  was  tranf- 

ferred 


236         G     O     S     N     O     L     D. 

ferred  from  the  one  to  the  other,  I  have  not 
yet  learned. 

The  cliff  named  Dover  is  fuppofed  to  be 
the  eaflern  head  of  a  fmall  ifland  which  was 
called  by  the  natives  Onky  Tonky,and  is  now 
corrupted  into  Uncle  Timmy.  The  rocky 
ledge  is  called  Rattlefnake  Neck.  Hill's 
Hap  confifts  now  of  two  very  fmall  iflands 
called  Wicpeckets.  There  is  every  appear 
ance  that  thefe  were  formerly  united ;  and 
there  are  now  a  few  cedars  on  them.  Hap's 
Hill,  on  the  oppofite  part  of  the  main,  is  a 
fmall  elevated  ifland,  of  an  oval  form,  near  the 
mouth  of  a  river  which  pafles  through  the 
towns  of  Wareham  and  Rochefler.  It  is  a 
confpicuous  object  to  navigators. 

The  ifland  on  which  Gofnold  and  his  com 
pany  took  up  their  abode,  is  now  called  by  its 
Indian  name  Naumaun,  and  is  the  property  of 
the  Honourable  JAMES  BOWDOIN,  of  Bof- 
ton,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  thefe  remarks 
on  Qofnold's  journal,  which  is  extant  at  large 
in  Purchas's  collections.* 

Near  the  fouthweft  end  of  Naumaun  is  a 
large  frefh  pond  ;  fuch  an  one  as  anfwers  to 
Gofnold's  defcription,  excepting  that  there  is 

no 

» 

-*  Vol.  v,  p.  1647. 


G     O     S     N     O     L     D.         237 

no  iflet  in  the  middle  of  it.  The  more  is 
fandy  ;  but  what  revolution  may  have  taken 
place  within  the  fpace  of  almofl  two  centuries 
paft,  we  cannot  fay. 

Whilft  fome  of  Gofnold's  men  laboured  in. 
building  a  fort  and  {tore  houfe  on  "the  fmall 
iiland  in  the  pond,  and  a  flat  boat  to  go  to  it ; 
he  crofled  the  bay  in  his  veflel  and  difcovered 
the  mouths  of  two  rivers  :  one  was  that  near 
which  lay  Hap's  Hill,  and  the  other,  that,  on 
the  fhore  of  which  the  town  of  New- Bedford 
is  now  built. 

After  five  days  abfence,  Gofnold  returned 
to  the  ifland  and  was  received  by  his  people 
with  great  ceremony  ;  on  account  of  an  Indian 
chief  and  fifty  of  his  men  who  were  there  on 
a  vifit.  To  this  chief  they  prefented  a  ftraw 
hat  and  two  knives ;  the  hat  he  little  regarded ; 
but  the  knives  were  highly  valued.  They 
feafted  thefe  favages  with  fifh  and  muftard, 
and  diverted  themfelves  with  the  effect  of  the 
muftard  on  their  nofes.  One  of  them  ftole  a 
target,  but  it  was  reftored.  They  did  not  ap 
pear  to  be  inhabitants,  but  occafional  vifitants 
at  the  ifland,  for  the  fake  of  gathering  fhell- 
fiih.  Four  of  them  remained,  after  the  others 

were 


238         G     O     S     N     O     L     D. 

were  gone,  and  helped  the  Englifh  to  dig  the 
roots  of  faffafras  -y  with  which,  as  well  as  the 
'furs  which  they  bought  of  the  Indians,  the 
veffel  was  loaded. 

After  fpending  three  weeks  in  preparing  a 
fbre  houfe,  when  they  came  to  divide  their 
provifion,  there  was  not  enough  to  victual  the 
Ihip,  and  to  fubfift  the  planters  till  the  fhip's 
return.  Somejealoufy  alfo  aroie  about  the 
intentions  of  thofe  who  were  going  back; 
and  after  five  days  confultation  they  determin 
ed  to  give  up  their  delign  of  planting,  and  re 
turn  to  England.  On  the  eighteenth  of  June 
they  failed  out  of  the  bay  through  the  fame 
paflage  by  which  they  had  entered  it  ;  and  on 
the  twenty  third  of  July  they  arrived  at  Ex- 
mouth,  in  the  well  of  England. 

Gofnold's  intention  was  to  have  remained 
with  a  part  of  his  men,  and  to  have  fent  Gil 
bert,  the  fecond  in  command,  to  England,  for 
farther  fupplies  ;  but  half  of  fo  fmall  a  com 
pany  would  not  have  been  a  fuflicient  num 
ber  to  refift  thefavages,had  they  been  difpofed 
to  attack  them. 

After  his  return  to  England  he  was  inde 
fatigable  in  his  endeavours  to  forward  the  fet 
tling 


G     O     S     N     O     L     D.         239 

fettling  of  a  colony  in  America,  and  was  one 
of  thofe  who  embarked  in  the  next  expedi 
tion  for  Virginia,  where  he  had  the  rank  of  a 
Counfeilor,  and  where  he,  died  in  the  year 
1607. 


XII.  JOHN 


240 


XII.     JOHN     SMITH. 


r-f-i 


1  HOUGH  the  early  part  of  the  life 
of  this  extraordinary  man  was  fpent  in  foreign 
travels  and  adventures  which  have  no  refer 
ence  to  America  -,  yet  the  incidents  of  that 
period  fo  ftrongly  mark  his  character,  and 
give  fuch  a  tincture  to  his  fubfequent  actions, 
and  are  withal  fo  fingular  in  themfelves,  that 
no  reader  (it  is  prefumed)  will  cenfure  the  in 
troduction  of  them  here  as  impertinent. 

He  was  born  at  Willoughby,  in  Lincoln- 
fhire,  in  the  year  1579.*  From  the  firft  dawn 
of  reafon,  he  difcovered  a  roving  and  roman 
tic  genius,  and  delighted  in  extravagant  and 
daring  actions  among  his  fchool  fellows. 
When  about  thirteen  years  of  age,  he  fold  his 
books  and  fatchel,  and  his  puerile  trinkets,  to 

raife 

*  This  is  determined  by  an  infcription  annexed  to  his  portrait  on 

his  map  of  New-England "  ^Etat  37.    Anno  1616." 

This  portrait  reprefcnts  him  clad  in  armour  and    under  it    arc 
thefe  veri'es  : 

"  Such  are  the  lines  that  (hew  thy  face  ;  butthofe 

That  (hew  thy  grace  and  glory  brighter  bee  ; 
Thy  faire  difcoveries  and  fowle  ovcrthrowes 

Of  falvages  much  civilized  by  thee, 
Beft  fhew  thy  fpirit,  and  to  it  glory  win, 

So  thou  irtbra.JJ't  without,  but  gelde  within." 


SMITH.  241 

raife  money,  with  a  view  to  convey  himfelf 
privately  to  fea ;  but  the  death  of  his  father 
put  a  ftop  for  the  prefent  to  this  attempt,  and 
threw  him  into  the  hands  of  guardians, who  en 
deavoured  to  check  the  ardour  of  his  genius, by 
confining  him  to  a  compting  houfe.  Being  put 
apprentice  to  a  merchant  at  Lynn,  at  the  age 
of  fifteen,  he  at  firfl  conceived  hopes  that  his 
mafter  would  fend  him  to  fea  in  his  fervice, 
but  this  hope  failing,  he  quitted  his  mafter, 
and  with  only  ten  Shillings  in  his  pocket,  en 
tered  into  the  train  of  a  young  nobleman  who 
was  travelling  to  France.  At  Orleans  he  was 
difcharged  from  his  attendance  on  lord  Bertie, 
and  had  money  given  him  to  return  to  Eng 
land.  With  this  money  he  vifited  Pans,  and 
proceeded  to  the  Low  Countries,  where  he  en- 
lifted  as  a  foldier,  and  learned  the  rudiments 
of  war,  a  fcience  peculiarly  agreeable  to  his 
ardent  and  active  genius.  Meeting  with  a 
Scots  gentleman  abroad,  he  was  perfuad- 
to  pafs  into  Scotland,  with  the  promife  of  be 
ing  ftrongly  recommended  to  King  James  ; 
but  being  baffled  in  this  expectation,  he  re 
turned  to  his  native  town,  and  finding  no 
company  there  which  fuited  his  tafte,  he 
built  a  booth  in  a  wood,  and  betook  himfelf 

ta 


242  SMITH. 

to  the  ftudy  of  military  hiflory  and  tactics,  di 
verting  himfelf  at  intervals  with  his  horfe  and 
lance  ;  in  which  exercile  he  at  length  found 
a. companion,  an  Italian  gentleman, rider  to  the 
earl  of  Lincoln,  who  drew  him  from  his  fyl- 
van  retirement  to  Tatterfal. 

Having  recovered  a  part  of  the  eftate  which 
his  father  had  left  him,  he  put  himfelf  into 
a  better  condition  than  before,  and  fet  off 
again  on  his  travels,  in  the  winter  of  the  year 
1596,  being  then  only  feventeen  years  of 
age.  His  nrfl  itage  was  Flanders,  where 
meeting  with  a  Frenchman  who  pretended  to 
be  heir  to  a  noble  family,  he,  with  his  three 
attendants,  prevailed  upon  Smith  to  go  with 
them  to  France.  In  a  dark  night  they  arrived 
at  St.  Valery  in  Picardy,  and,  by  the  conni 
vance  of  the  (hip  mafler,  the  Frenchmen  were 
carried  amore  with  the  trunks  of  our  young 
traveller,  whilft  he  was  left  on  board  till  the 
return  of  the  boat.  In  the  mean  time  they 
had  conveyed  the  baggage  out  of  his  reach, 
and  were  not  to  be  found.  A  failor  on  board, 
who  knew  the  villains,  generoufly  undertook 
to  conduct  him  to  Mortaine  where  they  lived, 
and  fupplied  his  wants  till  their  arrival  at  the 
place.  Here  he  found  their  friends,  from 
whom  he  could  gain  no  recompence ;  but  the 

report 


S^  M    I    T    H.  243 

report  of  his  furFeriags  induced  feveral  perfons 
of  diftinction  to  invite  him   to  their  houfes. 
Eager  to  purfuehis  travels, and  not  caring  to 
receive  favours  which  he  was    unable   to   re 
quite,  he  left  his  new  friends  and    went  from 
port  to  port  in  fearch  of  a   fhip  of  war*     In 
one  of  thefe  rambles,  near    Dinan,  it  was   his 
chance  to  meet  one  of  the  villains   who   had 
robbed    him.      Without     fpeaking   a   word, 
they   both  drew  -t  and  Smith   having  wound 
ed  and  difarmed  his  antagonift,   obliged    him 
to  confefs  his  guilt    before  a  number  of  per 
fons  who  had  afTembled  on  the  occafion.    Sat 
isfied  with  his  victory,  he  retired  to   the    feat 
of  an  acquaintance,  the  earl    of  Ployer,    who 
had  been  brought  up  in  England,  and   having 
received  fupplies  from  him,  he  travelled  along 
the  French  coaft  to  Bayonne,  and  from  thence 
crofTed  over  to  Marfeilles  j  vifiting  and  obferv- 
ing  every  thing  in  his    way  which   had   any 
reference  to  naval  or  military  architecture. 

At  Marfeilles  he  embarked  for  Italy,  in 
company  with  a  rabble  of  pilgrims.  The 
ihip  was  forced  by  a  tempeft  into  the  harbour 
of  Toulon,  and  afterward  was  obliged  by  a 
contrary  wind  to  anchor  under  the  little 
ifland  of  St.  Mary,  off  Nice,  in  Savoy.  The 
bigotry  of  the  pilgrims  made  them  afcribe 

their 


244  S     M     I     T     H. 

their  ill  fortune  to  the  prefence  of  a  heretic  on 
board.  They  devoutly  curfed  Smith,  and  his 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  in  a  fit  of  pious  rage 
threw  him  into  the  fea.  He  fwam  to  the 
ifland,  and  the  next  day  was  taken  on  board  a 
(hip  of  St.  Malo  which  had  alfo  put  in  there 
for  fhelter.  The  matter  of  the  fhip,  who  was 
well  known  to  his  noble  friend  the  earl  of 
Ployer,entertained  him  kindly,and  carried  him 
to  Alexandria  in  Egypt  ;  from  thence  he 
coafled  the  Levant  •>  and  on  his  return  had 
the  high  fatisfaction  of  a  naval  engagement 
with  a  Venetian  (hip,  which  they  took  and 
rifled  of  her  rich  cargo.  Smith  was  fet  on 
(hore  at  Antibes  with  a  box  of  a  thoufand 
chequins,  (about  2000  dollars)  by  the  help 
of  which  he  made  the  tour  of  Italy,  crofTed 
the  Adriatic  and  travelled  into  Stiria,  to  the 
feat  of  Ferdinand,  Archduke  of  Auftria.  Here 
he  met  with  an  Englim  and  an  Irifh  Jefuit 
who  introduced  him  to  lord  Ebcrfpaught, 
baron  Kizel  and  other  officers  of  diftinftion, 
and  here  he  found  full  fcope  for  his  genius  ; 
for  the  emperor  being  then  at  war  with  the 
Turks,  he  entered  into  his  army  as  a  vol 
unteer. 

He 


SMITH.  245 

He  had  communicated  to  Eberfpaught  a 
method  of  converting  at  a  diftance  by  fignals 
made  with  torches,  which  being  alternately 
ihown  and  hidden  a  certain  number  of  times, 
defignated  every  letter  of  the  alphabet.  He 
had  foon  after  an  opportunity  of  making  the 
experiment.  Eberfpaught  being  belieged  by 
the  Turks  in  the  ftrong  town  of  Olimpach, 
was  cut  off  from  all  intelligence  and  hope  of 
fuccour  from  his  friends.  Smith  propofed 
his  method  of  communication  to  baron  Kizel, 
who  approved  it,  and  allowed  him  to  put  it 
in  practice.*  He  was  conveyed  by  a  guard  to  a 
hill  within  view  of  the  town,  and  fufficiently 
remote  from  the  Turkifh  camp.  At  the  dif- 
play  of  the  fignal,  Eberfpaught  knew  and  an- 
fwered  it,  and  Smith  conveyed  to  him  this 
intelligence,  "  Thurfday  night,  I  will  charge 

on 

*  The  method  is  this.  Firft,  three  torches  are  fhown  in  a 
line  equi-diftant  from  each  other,  which  are  anfwered  by  three 
others  in  the  fame  manner.  Then  the  meflage  being  written  as 
briefly  as  poflible,  and  the  alphabet  divided  into  two  parts,  the 
letters  from  A  to  L  are  fignified  by  mowing  and  hiding  one  light, 
as  often  as  there  are  letters  from  A  to  that  letter,  which  you 
mean.  The  letters  from  M  to  Z  by  two  lights  in  the  fame  man 
ner.  The  end  of  a  word  is  fignified  by  mowing  three  lights.  At 
every  letter,  the  light  fiands  till  the  other  party  may  write  it  down 
and  anfwer  by  his  fignal,  which  is  one  light. 

O.3 


246  SMITH. 

on  the  Eaft  >  at  the  alarm  fally  thou."  The 
anfwer  was  "  I  will."  Juft  before  the  at 
tack,  by  Smith's  advice,  a  great  number  of 
falfe  fires  were  made  on  another  quarter, 
which  divided  the  attention  of  the  enemy  and 
gave  advantage  to  the  aflailants  ;  who,  be 
ing  affifted  by  a  fally  from  the  town,  killed 
many  of  the  Turks,  drove  others  into  the 
river,  and  threw  fuccours  into  the  place, 
which  obliged  the  enemy  the  next  day  to  raife 
the  fiege.  This  well  conducted  exploit,  pro 
duced  to  our  young  adventurer,  the  command 
of  a  company,  confifting  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  horfemen  in  the  regiment  of  count  Mel- 
drick,  a  nobleman  of  Tranfylvania. 

The  regiment  in  which  he  ferved  being  en 
gaged  in  feveral  hazardous  enterprizes,  Smith 
was  foremoft  in  all  dangers  and  diftinguimed 
himfelf  both  by  his  ingenuity  and  by  his  val 
our  -j  and  when  Meldrick  left  the  Imperial 
army,  and  pafled  into  the  fervice  of  his  native 
prince,  Smith  followed  him. 

At  the  fiege  of  Regal,  the  Ottomans  derided 
the  flow  approaches  of  the  Tranfylvanian 
army, and  fent  a  challenge,  purporting  that  the 
lord  Turbjiha,  to  divert  the  ladies,  would 
light  any  fingle  Captain  of  the  Chriftian  troops. 

The 


S     M     I     T     H.  247 

The  honour  of  accepting  this  challenge,  being 
determined  by  lot,  fell  on  Captain  Smith  ; 
who,  meeting  his  antagonift  on  horfeback, 
within  view  of  the  ladies  on  the  battlements, 
at  the  found  of  mufic  began  the  encounter, 
and  in  a  fhort  time  killed  him,  and  bore  away 
his  head  in  triumph  to  his  general  the  lord 
Moyzes. 

The  death  of  the  chief  fo  irritated  his  friend 
Grualgo,  that  he  fent  a  particular  challenge 
to  the  conqueror,  who,  meeting  him  with 
the  fame  ceremonies,  after  a  fmart  combat, 
took  off  his  head  alfo.  Smith  then  in  his 
turn  fent  a  rneflage  into  the  town,  informing 
the  ladies,  that  if  they  wifhed  for  more  diver- 
fion,  they  mould  be  welcome  to  his  head,  in 
cafe  their  third  Champion  could  take  it. 
This  challenge  was  accepted  by  Bonamolgro, 
who  unhorfed  Smith  and  was  near  gaining 
the  viclory.  But  remounting  in  a  critical 
moment,  he  gave  the  Turk  a  ftroke  with  his 
faulchion  which  brought  him  to  the  ground, 
and  his  head  was  added  to  the  number.  For 
thefe  fmgular  exploits  he  was  honoured  with 
a  military  proceffion,  confifling  of  fix  thoufand 
'men,  three  led  horfes,  and  the  Turks'  heads 
on  the  points  of  three  lances.  With  this  ce- 
4  remony 


248  SMITH. 

remony  Smith  was  conducted  to  the  pavilion 
of  his  general,  who,  after  embracing  him, 
prefented  him  with  a  horfe  richly  furnifhed, 
a  fcymitar  and  belt  worth  three  hundred 
ducats,  and  a  commiffion  to  be  major  in  his 
regiment.  The  prince  of  Tranfylvania,  after 
the  capture  of  the  place,  made  him  a  prefent 
.of  his  picture  fet  in  gold,  and  a  penfion  of 
three  hundred  ducats  per  annum,  and  moreover 
granted  him  a  coat  of  arms  bearing  three 
Turks'  heads  in  a  fhield.  The  patent  was 
admitted  and  recorded  in  the  college  of 
Heralds  in  England,  by  Sir  Henry  Segar, 
garter  king  at  arms.  Smith  was  always  proud 
of  this  diftinguiming  honour,  and  thefe  arms 
are  accordingly  blazoned  in  the  frontifpiecc 
ito  his  hiftory,  with  this  motto, 

ff  Vine  ere  eft  vivere." 

After  this,  the  Tranfylvanian  army  was  de 
feated  by  a  body  of  Turks  and  Tartars  near 
Jlotenton,  and  many  brave  men  were  (lain, 
among  whom  were  nine  Englifh  and  Scots 
officer.^. who,  after  thefafhionof  that  day,  had 
entered  into  this  fervice,  from  a  religious  zeal 
to  drive  the  Turks  out  of  Chriftendom. 
Smith  was  wounded  in  this  battle  and  lay 
among  the  dead.  His  habit  difcovered  him 

to 


SMITH.  24$ 

to  the  viftors  as  a  perfon  of  confequence  ; 
they  ufed  him  well  till  his  wounds  were  heal 
ed,  and  then  fold  him  to  the  Baflia  Bogal, 
who  fent  him  as  a  prefent  to  his  miflrefs  T^ra- 
gabigzanda  at  Conftantinople,  accompanied 
with  a  meflage,  as  full  of  vanity  as  void  of 
truth,  that  he  had  conquered  in  battle  a  Bo 
hemian  nobleman,  and  prefented  him  to  her 
as  a  ilave. 

The  prefent  proved  more  acceptable  to  the 
lady  than  her  lord  intended.  She  could  fpeak 
Italian  -y  and  Smith,  in  that  language,  not  only 
informed  her  of  his  country  and  quality,  but 
converfed  with  her  in  fo  pleafmg  a  manner  as 
to  gain  her  affe&ions.  The  connexion  prov 
ed  fo  tender,  that  to  fecurehim  for  herfelf  and 
to  prevent  his  being  ill  ufed  or  fold  again,  me 
fent  him  to  her  brother  the  Bafha  of  Nalbraitz, 
in  the  country  of  the  Cambrian  Tartars,  on 
the  borders  of  the  fea  of  Afoph.  Her  pre 
tence  was,  that  he  mould  there  learn  the  man 
ners  and  language  as  well  as  religion  of  the 
Tartars.  By  the  terms  in  which  ihe  wrote 
to  her  brother,  he  fufpe&ed  her  defign,  and 
refolved  to  difappoint  her.  Within  an  hour 
after  Smith's  arrival  he  was  ftripped  ;  his 
head  and  beard  were  maven,  an  iron  collar  was 

put 


250  SMITH. 

put  about  his  neck  ;  he  was  clothed  with  a 
coat  of  hair-cloth,  and  driven  to  labour  among 
other  Chriftian  flaves.  He  had  now  no  hope 
of  redemption,  but  from  the  love  of  his  mif- 
trefs,  who  was  at  a  great  diftance,  and  not  like 
ly  to  be  informed  of  his  misfortune  ;  the 
hopelefs  condition  of  his  fellow  flaves  could 
not  alleviate  his  defpondency. 

In  the  depth  of  his  diftrcfs,  an  opportunity 
prefented  for  an  efcape,  which  to  a  perfon  of 
a  lefs  courageous  and  adventrous  fpirit  would 
have  proved  an  aggravation  of  mifery.  He 
was  employed  in  threming,  at  a  grange,  in  a 
large  field  about  a  league  from  the  houfe  of 
his  tyrant,  who  in  his  daily  vilits  treated  him 
with  abufive  language,  accompanied  with 
blows  and  kicks.  This  was  more  than  Smith 
could  bear,  wherefore  watching  an  opportu 
nity  when  no  other  perfon  was  prefent,  he  lev 
elled  a  ftroke  at  him  with  his  threfhing  in- 
flrument,  which  difpatched  him.  Then  hid 
ing  his  body  in  the  ftraw  and  (hutting  the 
doors,  he  filled  a  bag  with  grain,  mounted  the 
Bafha's  horfe,  and  betaking  himfelf  to  the 
defart,  wandered  for  two  or  three  days,  ig 
norant  of  the  way,  and  fo  fortunate  as  not  to 
meet  with  a  fingle  perfon  who  might  give 

information 


SMITH.  251 

information  of  his  flight.  At  length  he  came 
to  a  pofl  ere&ed  in  a  crofs  road,  by  the  marks 
on  which  he  found  the  way  to  Mofcovy,  and 
in  fixteen  days  arrived  at  Exapolis  on  the  river 
Don  •>  where  was  a  Ruffian  garrifon,  the  com 
mander  of  which  underftanding  that  he  was 
a  Chriftian,  received  him  courteoufly  ;  took 
off  his  iron  collar,  and  gave  him  letters  to  the 
other  governors  in  that  region.  Thus  he 
travelled  through  part  of  Ruffia  and  Poland, 
till  he  got  back  to  his  friends  in  Tranfylvania  ; 
receiving  prefents  in  his  way  from  many  per- 
fons  of  diftindtion,  among  whom  he  particu 
larly  mentions  a  charitable  lady,  Callamata, 
being  always  proud  of  his  connexion  with 
that  fex,  and  fond  of  acknowledging  their  fav 
ours.  At  Leipfic  he  met  with  his  colonel, 
count  Meldrick,  and  Sigifmund,  prince  of 
Tranfylvania,  who  gave  him  1 500  ducats  to 
repair  his  lofies.  With  this  money  he  was 
enabled  to  travel  through  Germany,  France, 
and  Spain,  and  having  vifited  the  kingdom  of 
Morocco,  he  returned  by  fea  to  England  ; 
having  in  his  paiTage  enjoyed  the  pleafure  of 
another  naval  engagement.  At  his  arrival  in 
his  native  country  he  had  a  thoufand  ducats 
in  his  purfe,  which,  with  the  intereft  he  had 

remaining 


252  SMITH. 

remaining  in  England,  he  devoted  to  feek 
adventures  and  make  discoveries  in  NORTH 
AMERICA. 

Bartholomew  Gofnold  having  conceived  a 
favourable  idea  of  America,  had  made  it  his 
bufmefs,  on  his  return  to  England,  to  folicit 
affiftance  in  profecuting  difcoveries.  Meet 
ing  with  Captain  Smith,  he  readily  entered 
into  his  views,  the  employment  being  exactly 
fuited  to  his  enterprizing  genius.  Having  en 
gaged  Edward  Maria  Wingfield,  a  merchant, 
Robert  Hunt,  a  clergyman,  and  feveral  others, 
they  prevailed  upon  a  number  of  noblemen, 
gentlemen,  and  merchants,  to  folicit  a  patent 
from  the  crown,  by  which  the  adventurers  to 
Virginia  became  fubjecl  to  legal  direction,  and 
had  the  fupport  and  encouragement  of  a 
wealthy  and  refpeclable  corporation  ;  which 
was  ufually  flyled  the  South  Virginia  compa 
ny,  or  the  London  company,  in  diftindion 
from  the  Plymouth  company,  who  fuperin- 
tended  the  affairs  of  North  Virginia.  The 
date  of  their  patent  was  April  10,  1606,  and 
on  the  1 9th  of  the  following  December,  three 
(hips,  one  of  one  hundred  tons,  another  of 
forty,  and  one  of  twenty,  fell  down  the  river 
Thames  for  Virginia.  The  commander  was 

Chriftopher 


SMITH.  253 

Chriftopher  Newport,  an  experienced  mari 
ner.  They  had  on  board  the  neceflary  per- 
fons  and  proviiions  for  a  colony  ;  and  their 
orders  for  government  were  fealed  in  a  box, 
which  was  not  to  be  opened  till  they  ihould 
arrive  in  Virginia. 

The  mips  were  kept  in  the  Downs  by  bad 
weather  fix  weeks,  and  afterward  had  a  tem- 
peftuous  voyage.  They  took  the  old  route 
by  the  Canary  and  Caribbee  iflands,  and  did 
not  make  the  entrance  of  Chefapeak  Bay  till 
the  a6th  of  April  1607.  From  the  begin 
ning  of  their  embarkation,  there  was  a  jealou- 
fy  and  diflention  among  the  company.  Smith 
and  Hunt  were  friends,  and  both  were  envied 
and  fufpe&ed  by  the  others.  Hunt  was  ju 
dicious  and  patient,  his  office  fecured  him 
from  infult.  Smith  was  ardent  and  induftri- 
ous,  courteous  in  his  deportment,  but  liberal 
in  his  language.  On  fome  fuggeftions  that 
he  intended  to  ufurp  the  government,  and 
that  his  confederates  were  difperfed  among 
the  companies  of  each  fhip,  he  was  made  a 
prifoner  from  the  time  of  their  leaving  the 
Canaries,  and  was  under  confinement  when 
they  arrived  in  the  Chefapeak.  When  the 
box  was  opened  it  was  found  that  Bartholo 
mew 


254  SMITH. 

mew    Gofnold,    John    Smith,    Edward    M. 
Wingfield,  Chriftopher  Newport,  John  Rat- 
cliff,    John  Martin,  and  George  Kendal  were 
named  to  be  of  the  council ;  who  were  to  chufe 
a  preiident   from   among  themfelves   for  one 
year,  and  the  government  was  vefted  in  them. 
Matters  of  moment  were  to  be  "  examined  by 
a  jury,  but  determined  by   the  major  part  of 
the   council,  in  which  the  prefident  had  two 
voices."       When    the    council   was    fworn, 
Wingfield  was  chofen   prefident,  and  a  decla 
ration   was  made  of   the  reafons   for    which 
Smith  was  not  admitted  and  fworn  among  the 
others. 

Seventeen  days  from  their  arrival  were  fpent 
in  ieeking  a  proper  place  for  their  firft  planta 
tion.  The  fouthern  point  of  the  bay  was 
named  Cape  Henry,  and  the  northern  Cape 
Charles,  in  honour  of  the  two  fons  of  King 
James.  To  the  firft  great  river  which  they 
difcovered  they  gave  the  name  of  their  fove- 
reign  ;  and  the  northern  point  of  its  entrance 
was  called  Point  Comfort,  on  account  of  the 
good  channel  and  anchorage  which  they  found 
there.  On  the  flats  they  took  plenty  of 
oyfters,  in  fome  of  which  were  pearls ;  and 
on  the  plain  they  found  large  and  ripe  ftraw- 

berries, 


SMITH.  255 

berries,  which  afforded  them  a  delicious  re- 
paft. 

Having  met  with  five  of  the  natives,  they 
invited   them    to   their    town,     Kecoughtan, 
where   Hampton  is   now  built.     Here  they 
were  feafted  with  cakes  made  of  Indian  corn, 
and  regaled  with   tobacco  and  a  dance.     In 
return  they  prefented   the   natives   beads  and 
other    trinkets.       Proceeding   up    the   river, 
another  company  of  Indians  appeared  in  arms. 
Their  chief,  Apamatica,  holding  in  one  hand 
his   bow   and  arrow,  and  in   the  other  a  pipe 
of  tobacco,  demanded  the  caufe  of  their  com 
ing  ;  they  made  figns  of  peace,  and  were  hof- 
pitably  received.     On  the  131?!  of  May,  they 
pitched   upon   a   peninfula   where  the    mips 
could  lie  in   fix  fathom  water,  moored  to  the 
trees,  as  the  place  of  their  intended  fettlement. 
Here   they  were   vifited  by   Pafpiha,  another 
Indian  chief,  who  being  made  acquainted  with 
their  defign,  offered   them   as   much  land  as 
they  wanted,   and  afterward  fent  them  a  deer 
for  their  entertainment.     On  this   fpot   they 
piched  their  tents,   and  gave  it   the  name  of 
James -town. 

Every  man  was  now  employed  either  in 
g  and  planting  gardens,  or  making  nets, 

or 


256  S     M     I     T     H. 

or  in  cutting  and  riving  timber  to  reladc  the 
fhips.  The  prefident  at  firft  would  admit  of 
no  martial  exercife,  nor  allow  any  fortifica 
tions  to  be  made  excepting  the  boughs  of  trees 
thrown  together  in  the  form  of  a  half  moon. 
Captain  Newport  took  Smith  and  twenty  more 
with  him  to  difcover  the  head  of  James-river. 
In  fix  days  they  arrived  at  the  falls,  and  erect 
ing  a  crofs,  as  they  had  at  Cape  Henry,  took 
pofleiTion  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  King 
James.  In  this  route  they  vifited  POWHA- 
TAN,  the  principal  Indian  chief,  or  emperor. 
His  town  confiflcd  of  twelve  houfes  pleafantly 
fituate  on  a  hill  ;  before  which  were  three 
iflands,  a  little  below  the  fpot  where  Rich 
mond  is  now  built.  Captain  Newport  pre- 
fented  a  hatchet  to  this  prince,  which  he 
gratefully  received,  and  when  fome  of  his  In 
dians  murmured  at  the  coming  of  the  Kng- 
lifh  among  them,  he  filenced  them  by  faying 
"  why  fhould  we  be  offended  ?  they  hurt  us 
not,  nor  take  any  thing  by  force  ;  they  want 
only  a  little  ground  which  we  can  eafily  fpare." 
This  appearance  of  friendmip  was  not  much 
relied  on,  when  at  their  return  to  James-town, 
they  found  that  the  company  had  been  furprif- 
ed  at  their  work  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who 

had 


SMITH*  257 

had  killed  one  and  wounded  feventeen  others, 
A  double  headed  {hot  from  one  of  the  (hips 
had  cut  off  a  bough  of  a  tree,  which  falling 
among  the  Indians,  terrified  and  difperfed 
them.  This  incident  obliged  the  Prefident 
to  alter  the  plan  of  the  fort,  which  was  now 
a  triangular  palifade  with  a  lunette  at  each  an 
gle  ;  and  five  pieces  of  artillery  were  mounted 
on  the  works,  which  were  completed  by  the 
-i  5th  of  June.  It  was  allb  found  necefTary  to 
exercifc  the  men  at  arms,  to  mount  guard  and 
'be  vigilant,  for  the  Indians  would  furprife  and, 
moleft  ftragglers,  whiTft  by  their  fuperior  a- 
gility  they  would  efcape  unhurt. 

The  iliips  being  almoft  ready  to  return,  it 
was  thought  proper  that  fome  decifion  (hould 
be  had  respecting  the  allegations  againft  Smith, 
His  accufers  affected  commiferation,  and  pre 
tended  to  refer  him  to  the  cenfure  of  the  com 
pany  in  England,  rather  than  to  expofe  him, 
to  a  legal  proiecution  which  might  injure  his 
reputation  or  touch  his  life.  Smith,  who 
knew  both  their  malice  and  their  impotence, 
openly  fcorned  their  pretended  pity  and  defied 
their  refentment.  He  had  conducted  himfelf 
.  fo  unexceptionably  in  every  employment 
which  had  been  allotted  to  him,  that  he  had 
R  rendered 


258  SMITH. 

rendered  himfelf  very  popular  •,  and  his  accuf- 
ers  had  by  a  different  condudt  loft  the  affec 
tions  and  confidence  of  the  people.  Thofe 
who  had  been  fuborned  to  accufe  him  ac 
knowledged  their  fault,  and  difcovered  the  fe- 
cret  arts  which  had  been  pradtifed  againft 
him.  He  demanded  a  trial,  and  the  iflue 
was,  that  the  Prefident  was  adjudged  to  pay 
him  two  hundred  pounds ;  but  when  his  pro 
perty  was  feized  in  part  of  this  fatisfaction, 
Smith  generoufly  turned  it  into  the  common 
ftore,  for  the  benefit  of  the  colony.  Such  an 
adion  could  not  but  increafe  his  popularity. 
Many  other  difficulties,  had  arifen  among 
them,  which,  by  the  influence  of  Smith,  and 
the  exhortations  of  Hunt,  their  chaplain, 
were  brought  to  a  feemingly  amicable  conclu- 
fion.  Smith  was  admitted  to  his  feat  in  the 
council,  and  on  the  next  Sunday  they  celebrat 
ed  the  communion.  At  the  fame  time  the 
Indians  came  in,  and  voluntarily  defired  peace. 
With  the  good  report  of  thefe  t  ran  factions 
Newport  failed  for  England  on  the  22d  of 
June,  promifing  to  return  in  twenty  weeks 
with  frefh  fupplies. 

The  colony  thus  left  in  Virginia   confifted 
of  one  hundred  and  four  perfons,  in  very  mif- 

erable 


SMITH.  259 

erable  circumftances,  efpecially  on  account  of 
provilions,  to  which  calamity  their  long 
voyage  did  not  a  little  contribute,  both  as  it 
confumed  their  flock,  and  deprived  them  of 
the  opportunity  of  lowing  feafonably  in  the 
fpring.  Whilft  the  mips  remained,  they 
could  barter  with  the  failors  for  bread  ;  but 
after  their  departure,  each  man's  allowance 
was  half  a  pint  of  damaged  wheat,  and  as 
much  barley ,  per  day  :  the  river,  which  at 
the  flood  was  fait,  and  at  the  ebb  was  muddy, 
afforded  them  their  only  drink  ;  it  alfo  fuppli- 
ed  them  with  flurgeon  and  fhellfim.  This 
kind  of  food,  with  their  continual  labour  in 
the  heat  of  fummer,  and  their  frequent  watch- 
ings  by  night  in  all  weathers,  having  only  the 
bare  ground  to  lie  on  with  but  a  flight  cov 
ering,  produced  difeafes  among  them  j  which 
by  the  month  of  September  carried  off  fifty 
perfons,  among  whom  was  Captain  Gofnold. 
Thofe  who  remained  were  divided  into  three 
watches,  of  whom  not  more  than  five  in  each 
were  capable  of  duty  at  once.  All  this  time 
the  Prefident,  Wingfield,  who  had  the  key  of 
the  ftores,  monopolized  the  few  refrefhmenfs 
which  remained,  and  was  meditating  to  de- 
fert  the  plantation  privately  in  the  pinnace, 
R  2  and 


260  SMITH. 

and  remove  to  the  Weft  Indies.  Thefe  things 
rendered  him  fo  hateful  to  the  reft,  that  they 
depofed  him  and  elected  Ratcliffe  in  his  room ; 
they  alfo  removed  Kendal  from  his  place  in 
the  council,  fo  that  by  the  middle  of  Septem 
ber,  three  members  only  were  left. 

Ratcliffe.  being:  a  man  of  no  refolution  nor 

o 

activity,  committed  the  management  of  affairs 
abroad  to  Smith,  in  whom  his  confidence  was 
not  mifplaced.  At  the  fame  time  the  Indians 
in  their  neighbourhood  brought  in  a  plenti 
ful  fupply  of  fuch  proviiions  as  they  had, 
which  revived  their  drooping  fpirits ;  and 
Smith  feeing  the  neceffity  of  exertion  to  fe- 
cure  themfelves,  and  provide  for  the  approach 
ing  winter,  partly  by  his  animating  ipeeches, 
but  more  by  his  example,  fet  them  to  work 
in  mowing  and  binding  thatch,  and  in  build 
ing  and  covering  houfes.  In  thefe  exercifes 
he  bore  a  large  fhare,  and  in  a  ihort  time  got 
a  fufficiency  of  houfes  to  make  comfortable 
lodgings  for  all  the  people  excepting  himfelf. 
This  being  done,  and  the  provifions  which  the 
natives  had  brought  in  being  expended,  he 
picked  a  number  of  the  beft  hands  and  em 
barked  in  a  (hallop  which  they  had  brought 

from 


S     M     I     T     H.  261 

from  England,  to  fearch  the  country  for  a- 
nother  fupply. 

The  party  which  accompanied  Smith  in 
this  excurfion,  confifled  of  fix  men,  well  arm 
ed,  but  ill  provided  with  clothing  and  other 
neceflaries.  What  was  wanting  in  equipment 
was  to  be  fupplied  by  refolution  and  addrefs  •> 
and  Smith's  genius  was  equal  to  the  attempt. 
They  proceeded  down  the  river  to  Kecoughtan 
[Hampton]  where  the  natives,  knowing  the 
needy  ftate  of  the  colony,  treated  them  with 
contempt,  offering  an  ear  of  corn  in  exchange 
for  a  mulket,  or  a  fword,  and  in  like  propor 
tion  for  their  fcant  and  tattered  garments. 
Finding  that  courtefy  and  gentle  treatment 
would  not  prevail,  and  that  nothing  was  to 
be  expected  in  the  way  of  barter,  and  more 
over  provoked  by  their  contempt,Smith  order 
ed  his  boat  to  be  drawn  on  more  and  his  men 
to  fire  at  them.  The  affrighted  natives  fled 
to  the  woods,  whilft  the  party  fearched  their 
houfes  in  which  they  found  plenty  of  corn  -, 
but  Smith  did  not  permit  his  men  to  touch 
it;  expecting  that  the  Indians  would  return 
and  attack  them.  They  foon  appeared  to  the 
number  of  fixty  or  feventy,  formed  into  a 
fquare  carrying  their  idol  OKE£,  compofed 
R3  of 


262  SMITH. 

of  fkins,  fluffed  with  mofs  and  adorned  with 
chains  of  copper.  They  were  armed  with 
clubs  and  targets,  bows  and  arrows,  and  ad 
vanced,  finging,  to  the  charge.  The  party  re 
ceived  them  with  a  volley  of  {hot,  which 
brought  feveral  of  them  to  the  ground  and 
their  idol  among  them  -,  the  reft  fled  again 
to  the  woods,  from  whence  they  fent  a  depu 
tation  to  offer  peace  and  redeem  their  god. 
Smith,  having  in  his  hands  fo  valuable  a 
pledge,  was  able  to  bring  them  to  his  own 
terms ;  he  ftipulated  that  fix  of  them  mould 
come  unarmed,  and  load  his  boat  with  corn, 
and  on  this  condition  he  would  be  their  friend 
and  give  them  hatchets,  beads  and  copper. 
Thefe  ftipulations  were  faithfully  performed 
on  both  fides ;  and  the  Indians  in  addition 
prefented  them  with  venifon,  turkies,  and 
other  birds ;  and  continued  finging  and  danc 
ing  till  their  departure. 

The  fuccefs  of  this  attempt  encouraged 
him  to  repeat  his  excurfions  by  land  and  wa 
ter  -y  in  the  courfe  of  which  he  difcovered 
feveral  branches  of  James-River,  and  particu 
larly  the  Chickahamony,  from  whofe  fertile 
banks  he  hoped  to  fupply  the  colony  with 
provifion.  But  induftry  abroad  will  not  make 

a  flourishing 


SMITH.  263 

a  flourifhing  plantation  without  economy  at 
home.  What  he  had  taken  pains  and  rifqued 
his  life  to  provide,  was  carelefsly  and  wanton 
ly  expended ;  the  traffic  with  the  natives  be 
ing  under  no  regulation,  each  perfon  made  his 
own  bargain,  and  by  out  bidding  each  other 
they  taught  the  Indians  to  fet  a  higher  value 
on  their  commodities,  and  to  think  themfelves 
cheated  when  they  did  not  all  get  the  fame 
prices.  This  bred  a  jealoufy  and  fowed  the 
feeds  of  a  quarrel  with  them,  which  the  colo 
ny  were  in  a  poor  condition  to  maintain,  be 
ing  at  variance  among  themfelves. 

The  fhallop  being  again  fitted  for  a  trading 
voyage,  whilft  Smith  was  abroad  on  one  of 
his  ufual  rambles,  and  the  people  being  dif- 
contented  with  the  indolence  of  Ratcliffe, 
their  prefident,  and  the  long  ficknefs  of  Mar 
tin  j  Wingfield  and  Kendal,  who  had  been 
difplaced,  took  advantage  of  Smith's  abfence, 
and  cpnfpired  with  fome  malcontents  to  run 
away  with  the  veflel  and  go  to  England. 
Smith  returned  unexpectedly,  and  the  plot 
was  difcovered.  To  prevent  its  execution, 
recourfe  was  had  to  arms,  and  Kendal  was 
killed.  Another  attempt  of  the  fame  kind 
was  made  by  Ratcliffe  himfelf,  ailifted  by 
R  4  Archer ; 


264  SMITH. 

Archer;  but  Smith  found  means  to  defeat 
this  alfo.  He  determined  to  keep  pofiefiion 
of  the  country,  the  value  of  which  was  daily 
rifing  in  his  eftimation  -,  not  only  as  a  fource 
of  wealth  to  individuals,but  as  a  grand  nation 
al  objecl  5  and  he  knew  that  great  undertak 
ings  could  not  be  accompli (hed  without  la 
bour  and  perfeverance. 

As  the  autumn  advanced,  the  waters  were 
covered  with  innumerable  wild  fowl  5  which 
with  the  addition  of  corn,  beans,  and  pump 
kins,  procured  from  the  Indians,  changed 
hunger  into  luxury,  and  abated  the  rage  for 
abandoning  the  country.  Smith  had  been 
once  up  the  river  Chickahamony,  but  becaufe 
he  had  not  penetrated  to  its  fource,  exceptions 
were  taken  to  his  conduct:  as  too  dilatory. 
This  imputation  he  determined  to  remove. 
In  his  next  voyage,  he  went  fo  high  that  he 
was  obliged  to  cut  the  trees,  which  had  fall 
en  into  the  river,  to  make  his  way  through  as 
far  as  his  boat  could  fwim.  He  then  left  her 
in  a  fafe  place,  ordering  his  men  not  to  quit 
her  until  his  return  j  then  taking  two  of 
them,  and  two  Indians  for  guides,  he  proceed 
ed  in  one  of  their  canoes  to  the  meadows  at 
{he  river's  head ,  and  leaving  his  two  men 

with 


S     M     I     T     H.  265 

with  the  canoe,  he  went  with  his  Indian 
guides  acrofs  the  meadows.  A  party  of  300 
Indians  below,  had  watched  the  motions  of 
the  boat.  They  firfl  furprized  the  ftraggling 
crew,  and  made  one  of  them  prifoner,  from 
whom  they  learned  that  Smith  was  above. 
They  next  found  the  two  men,  whom  he  had 
left  with  the  canoe,  aileep  by  a  fire,  and  killed 
them;  then  having  difcovered  Smith,  they 
wounded  him  in  the  thigh  with  an  arrow. 
Finding  himfelf  thus  atlaulted,  and  wounded, 
he  bound  one  of  his  Indian  guides  with  his 
garters  to  his  left  arm,  and  made  ufe  of  him 
as  a  fhield,  whilft  he  difpatched  three  of  his 
enemies  and  wounded  fome  others.  He  was 
retreating  to  his  canoe,  when  regarding  his 
enemies,  more  than  his  footfleps,  he  fudden- 
ly  plunged  with  his  guide  into  an  oozy  creek, 
and  ftuck  faft  in  the  mud.  The  Indians  af- 
tonifhed  at  his  bravery  did  not  approach  him, 
till  almoft  dead  with  cold,  he  threw  away  his 
arms,  and  begged  them  to  draw  him  out, 
which  they  did  and  led  him  to  the  fire,  where 
his  flain  companions  were  Tying.  This  fight 
admonimed  him  what  he  was  to  expert.  Be 
ing  revived  by  their  chafing  his  benumbed 
linibs,  he  called  for  their  chief,  Opechanka- 

now, 


266  SMITH. 

now,  King  of  Pamaunkee,  to  whom  he  prc- 
fented  his  ivory  compafs  and  dial.  The  vi 
brations  of  the  needle,  and  the  fly  under  the 
glafs,  which  they  could  fee  but  not  touch, 
afforded  them  much  amufement;  and  Smith, 
having  learned  fomething  of  their  language, 
partly  by  means  of  that,  and  partly  by  figns, 
entertained  them  with  a  defcription  of  the 
nature  and  ufes  of  the  inftrument ;  and  gave 
them  fuch  a  lecture  on  the  motions  of  the 
heavens  and  earth,  as  amazed  them,  and  ful- 
pended  for  a  time,  the  execution  of  their  pur- 
pofe.  At  length,  curiofity  being  fatiated, 
they  faflened  him  to  a  tree,  and  prepared  to 
difpatch  him  with  their  arrows.  At  this  in 
fant,  the  chief  holding  up  the  compafs, 
which  he  efleemed  as  a  divinity,  they  laid  a- 
fide  their  arms,  and  forming  a  military  pro- 
cefiion,  led  him  in  triumph  to  their  village 
Orapaxe.  The  order  of  their  march  was 
thus  :  they  ranged  themfelves  in  a  fmgle  file, 
the  King  in  the  midft,  before  him  were  borne 
the  arms  taken  from  Smith  and  his  compan 
ions  ;  next  after  the  King,  came  the  prifoner, 
held  by  three  flout  favages ;  and  on  each  fide 
a  file  of  fix.  When  they  arrived  at  the  vil 
lage,  the  old  men,  women,  and  children,  came 

out 


SMITH.  267 

out  to  receive  them  ;  after  fome  manoeuvres, 
which  had  the  appearance  of  regularity,  they 
formed  themfelves  round  the  King  and  his 
prifoner,  into  a  circle,  dancing  and  tinging, 
adorned  with  paint,  furs,  and  feathers,  bran- 
difhing  their  rattles,  which  were  made  of  the 
tails  of  rattlefnakes.  After  three  dances, 
they  difperfed,  and  Smith  was  conducted  to  a 
long  hut,  guarded  by  forty  men.  There  he 
was  fo  plentifully  feafted  with  bread  and  veni^ 
fon,  that  he  fufpected  their  intention  was  to 
fatten  and  eat  him.  One  of  the  Indians,  to 
whom  Smith  had  formerly  given  beads, 
brought  him  a  garment  of  furs,  to  defend  him 
from  the  cold.  Another,  whofe  fon  was  then 
fick  and  dying,'  attempted  to  kill  him,  but 
was  prevented  by  the  guard.  Smith  being 
conducted  to  the  dying  youth,  told  them  that 
he  had  a  medicine  at  James-town,  which 
would  cure  him,  if  they  would  let  him  fetch 
it  -,  but  they  had  another  defign,  which  was 
to  furprize  the  place,  and  make  ufe  of  him  as 
a  guide.  To  induce  him  to  perform  this  fer-? 
vice,  they  promifed  him  his  liberty,  with  as 
much  land,  and  as  many  women,  as  would 
content  him.  Smith  magnified  the  difficulty 
and  danger  of  their  attempt,from  the  ordnance, 

mines 


268  SMITH. 

mines  and  other  defences  of  the  place,  which 
exceedingly  terrified  them,  and  to  convince 
them  of  the  truth  of  what  he  told  them,  hft 
wrote  on  a  leaf  of  his  pocket  book,  an  inven 
tory  of  what  he  wanted,  with  fome  directions 
to  the  people  at  the  fort,  how  to  affright  the 
meflengers  who  went  to  deliver  the  letter. 
They  returned  in  three  days,  reporting  the 
terror,  into  which  they  had  been  thrown,  and 
when  they  produced  the  things  for  which  he 
had  written,  the  whole  company  were  afton- 
ifhed  at  the  power  of  his  divination  by  the 
freaking  leaf. 

After  this  they  carried  him  through  feveral 
nations,  inhabiting  the  banks  of  the  Potow- 
mack  and  Rapahanock,  and  at  length  brought 
him  to  Pamaunkeej  where  they  performed  a 
ftrange  ceremony,  by  which  they  intended  to 
divine,  whether  his  intentions  toward  them, 
were  friendly  or  hoftile.  The  manner  of  it 
was  this :  early  in  the  morning  a  great  fire  was 
made  in  a  long  houfe,  and  a  mat  fpread  on 
each  fide,  on  one  of  which  he  was  placed,  and 
the  guard  retired.  Prefently,  an  Indian  prieft, 
hideoufly  painted,  and  drefled  in  furs  and  fnake 
Ikins,  came  flapping  in,  and  after  a  variety  of 
uncouth  noifes  and  geflures,  drew  a  circle 

with 


SMITH,  269 

with  meal  round  the  fire.  Then  came  in 
three  more  in  the  fame  frightful  drefs,  and 
after  they  had  performed  their  dance,  three 
others.  They  all  fat  oppoiite  to  him  in  a  line, 
the  chief  prieft  in  the  midfl.  After  tinging 
a  fong,  accompanied  with  the  mufic  of  their 
rattles,  the  chief  prieft  laid  down  five  grains 
of  corn,  and  after  a  fhort  fpeech  three  more ; 
this  was  repeated  till  the  fire  was  encircled. 
Then  continuing  the  incantation,  he  laid  flicks 
between  the  diviiions  of  the  corn.  The  whole 
day  was  fpent  in  thefe  ceremonies,  with  fail 
ing  ;  and  at  night  a  feaft  was  prepared  of  the 
beaft  meats  which  they  had.  The  fame  tricks 
were  repeated  the  two  following  days.  They 
told  him  that  the  circle  of  meal  reprefented 
their  country,  the  circle  of  corn  the  fea  more, 
and  the  flicks  his  country  ;  they  did  not  ac 
quaint  him,  or  he  has  not  acquainted  us  with 
the  refult  of  the  operation  ;  but  he  obferved 
that  the  gunpowder,  which  they  had  taken 
from  him,  was  laid  up  among  their  corn,  to 
be  planted  the  next  fpring. 

After  thefe  ceremonies,  they  brought  him 
to  the  emperor  POWHATAN,  who  received 
him  in  royal  flate,  clothed  in  a  robe  of 
racoon  fkins,  feated  on  a  kind  of  throne, 

elevated 


270  S     M     I     T     H. 

elevated  above  the  floor  of  a  large  hut,  in  the 
midfl  of  which  was  a  fire  j  at  each  hand  of 
the  prince,  fat  two  beautiful  girls,  his  daugh 
ters,  and  along  each  fide  of  the  houfe,  a  row 
of  his  counfellors,  painted  and  adorned  with 
feathers  and  {hells.  At  Smith's  entrance  a 
great  fhout  was  made.  The  Queen  of  Apa- 
matox,  brought  him  water  to  wa(h  his  hands, 
and  another  ferved  him  with  a  bunch  of 
feathers,  inftead  of  a  towel.  Having  feafted 
him  after  their  manner,  a  long  coniultation 
was  held,  which  being  ended,  two  large  ftones 
were  brought  in,  on  one  of  which  his  head 
was  laid,  and  clubs  were  lifted  up  to  beat  out 
his  brains.  At  this  critical  moment,  POCA- 
HONTAS,  the  King's  favourite  daughter,  flew 
to  him,  took  his  head  in  her  arms,  and  laid 
her  own  upon  it.  Her  tender  intreaties  pre 
vailed.  The  king  confented  that  Smith 
fhould  live,  to  make  hatchets  for  him,  and 
ornaments  for  her. 

Two  days  after,  Powhatan  caufed  him  to 
be  brought  to  a  diflant  houfe  ;  where,  after 
another  threatening,  he  confirmed  his  promife, 
and  told  him  he  mould  return  to  the  fort,  and 
fend  him  two  pieces  of  cannon,  and  a  grind- 
flone  ;  for  which  he  would  give  him  the 

country 


SMITH.  271 

country  of  Capahoufick,  and  forever  efteem 
him  as  his  fon.  Twelve  guides  accompani 
ed  him,  and  he  arrived  at  James-town,  the 
next  day.  According  to  the  flipulation,  two 
guns  and  a  large  grindftone  were  offered  them, 
but  having  in  vain  tried  to  lift  them,  they 
were  content  to  let  them  remain  in  their  place. 
Smith,  however,  had  the  guns  loaded,  and 
difcharged  a  volley  of  {tones,  at  a  tree  cover 
ed  with  icicles.  The  report  and  effect  con 
founded  them  ;  but  being  pacified  with  a 
few  toys,  they  returned,  carrying  prefents  to 
Powhatan  and  his  daughter,  of  fuch  things  as 
gave  them  entire  fatisfaction.  After  this  ad 
venture,  the  young  princefs,  Pocahontas,  fre 
quently  vifited  the  plantation, with  her  attend 
ants,  and  the  refremments  which  fhe  brought 
from  time  to  time  proved  the  means  of  faving 
many  lives,  which  otherwife  would  have  been 
loft. 

Smith's  return  happened  at  another  critical 
juncture.  The  colony  was  divided  into  parties, 
and  the  malcontents,  were  again  preparing  to 
quit  the  country.  His  prefence  a  third  time, 
defeated  the  project  •  in  revenge  for  which  they 
meditated  to  put  him  to  death,  under  pretence 
that  he  had  been  the  means  of  murdering  the 

two 


272  S     M     I     T     H. 

two  men  who  went  with  him  in  the  canoe  ; 
but  by  a  proper  application  of  valour  and 
Itrength,  he  put  his  sccufers  under  confine 
ment,  till  an  opportunity  prefented  for  fend 
ing  them  as  prifoners  to  England. 

The  misfortunes  and  mifmanagements  of 
this  Virginian  colony,  during  the  period  here 
related,  feem  to  have  originated  partly  in  the 
tempers  and  qualifications  of  the  men  who 
were  appointed  to  command,  and  partly  in  the 
nature  and  circumstances  of  the  adventure. 
There  could  be  no  choice  of  men  for  the  fer- 
vice,but  among  thofe  who  offered  themfelves  j 
and  thefe  were  previoufly  flrangers  to  each 
other,  as  well  as  different  in  their  education, 
qualities  and  habits.  Some  of  them  had  been 
ufed  to  the  command  of  mips,  and  partook  of 
the  roughnefs  of  the  element  on  which  they 
were  bred.  It  is  perhaps,  no  great  compli 
ment  to  Smith,  to  fay  that  he  was  the  beft 
qualified  of  them,  for  command  ;  fince  the 
event  proved  that  none  of  them,  who  furviv- 
ed  the  firft  ficknefs,  had  the  confidence  of 
the  people  in  any  degree.  It  is  certain  that 
his  refolution  prevented  the  abandonment  of 
the  place  the  firft  year ;  his  enterprizing  fpi- 
rit  led  to  an  exploration  of  the  country,  and 

acquainted 


I    T    H.  273 

acquainted  them  with  its  many  advantages  ^ 
his  captivity  produced  an  intercourfe  with  the 
favages  ;  and  the  fapplies  gained  from  them, 
chiefly  by  means  of  his  addrefs,  kept  the  peo 
ple  alive  till  the  fecond  arrival  of  the  mips 
from  England.  The  Virginians,  therefore, 
juftly  regard  him,  if  not  as  the  father,  yet  as 
the  faviour  of  that  infant  plantation. 

In  the  winter  of  1607,  Capt.  Newport  ar 
rived  from  England  in  Virginia.  The  other 
fliip,  commanded  by  Capt.  Nelfon,  which  fail 
ed  at  the  fame  time,  was  difmafled  on  the 
American  coaft,  and  blown  off  to  the  Weft- 
Indies.  The  fupplies  fent  by  the  company 
were  received  in  Virginia  with  the  moft  cor 
dial  avidity  ;  but  the  general  licenfe  given  to 
the  failors,  to  trade  with  the  favages,  proved 
detrimental  to  the  planters,  as  it  raifed  the 
prices  of  their  commodities  fo  high,  that  a 
pound  of  copper  would  not  purchafe,  what 
before  could  be  bought  for  an  ounce.  New 
port  himfelf  was  not  free  from  this  fpirit  -of 
profufion,  fo  common  to  feafaring  men,  which 
he  manifefted  by  fending  prefents  of  various 
kinds  to  Powhatan,  intending  thereby  to  give 
him  an  idea  of  the  grandeur  of  the  Englim 
nation.  In  a  vifit  which  he  made  to  this 
S  prince, 


274  S    M     I    T    H. 

prince,  under  the  conduct  of  Smith,  he  was 
received  and  entertained  with  an  equal  fhow 
of  magnificence  j  but  in  trading  with  the 
lavage  chief,  he  found  himfelf  outwitted. 
Powhatan,  in  a  lofty  {train,  fpoke  to  him  thus  : 
"  It  is  not  agreeable  to  the  greatnefs  of  fuch 
men  as  we  are,  to  trade  like  common  people 
for  trifles  ;  lay  down  therefore  at  once,  all 
your  goods,  and  I  will  give  you  the  full  value 
for  them."  Smith  perceived  the  fnare,  and 
warned  Newport  of  it ;  but  he,  thinking  to 
out  brave  the  favage  prince,  difplayed  the 
whole  of  his  {lore.  Powhatan  then  fet  fuch 
a  price  on  his  corn,  that  not  more  than  four 
bufhels  could  be  procured  $  and  the  necef- 
fery  fupplies  could  not  have  been  had,  if 
Smith's  genius,  ever  ready  at  invention,  had 
not  hit  on  an  artifice  which  proved  fuccefsful. 
He  had  fecreted  fome  trifles,  and  among  them 
a  parcel  of  blue  beads ,  which,  feemingly  in  a 
carelefs  way,  he  glanced  in  the  eyes  of  Pow 
hatan.  The  bait  caught  him  5  and  he  earn- 
eftly  defired  to  purchafe  them.  Smith,  in 
his  turn,  raifed  the  value  of  them,  extolling 
them  as  the  mofl  precious  jewels,  refembling 
the  colour  of  the  iky,  and  proper  only  for  the 
nobleft  fovereigns  in  the  univerfe.  Powhatan's 

imagination 


SMITH.  275 

imagination  was  all  on  fire  $  he  made  large 
offers.  Smith  infifted  on  more,  and  at  length 
fuffered  himfelf  to  be  perfuaded  to  take  be 
tween  two  and  three  hundred  bumels  of  corn 
for  about  two  pounds  of  blue  beads*  and  they 
parted  in  very  good  humour,  each  one  being 
very  much  pleafed  with  his  bargain.  In  a 
fubfequent  vifit  to  Opecankanough,  King  of 
Pamaunkee,  the  company  were  entertained 
with  the  fame  kind  of  fplendor  and  a  fimilar 
bargain  clofed  the  feftivity  ;  by  which  means, 
the  blue  beads  grew  into  fuch  eftimation,  that 
none  but  the  princes  and  their  families  were 
able  to  wear  them* 

Loaded  with  this  acquifition,  they    return 
ed  to  James-town  ;  where  an  unhappy  fire  had 
confumed  feveral  of  their  houfes,   with   much 
of  their  provifions  and  furniture.     Mr.  Hunt, 
the  chaplain,  loft  his   apparel   and  library    in 
this  conflagration,  and  efcaped  from   it   with 
only  the  clothes  on  his  back.     This   misfor 
tune   was  feverely  felt  $  the   (hip   (laying   in 
port  fourteen  weeks,  and  referving  enough  for 
the  voyage  home,   fo   contracted   their   ftock 
of  provifions,  that  before  the  winter  was  gone, 
they  were  reduced   to  great   extremity,   and 
many  of  them  died.     The  caufe  of  the  {hip's 
S  2  detention 


276  SMITH. 

detention  for  fo  long  a  time  was  this  :  In 
fearching  for  frefh  water  in  the  neighbour 
hood  of  James-town,  they  had  difcovered  in 
a  rivulet,  fome  particles  of  a  yellowim  ifing- 
glafs,  which  their  fanguine  imaginations  had 
refined  into  gold  daft.  The  zeal  for  this  pre 
cious  matter  was  fo  ftrong,  that  in  digging, 
warning  and  packing  it  to  complete  the  lading 
of  the  fhip,  all  other  cares  were  abforbed. 
This  was  a  tedious  interval  to  Capt.  Smith  ; 
his  judgment  condemned  their  folly,  his  pa 
tience  was  exhaufted,  and  his  paflion  irritated, 
and  the  only  recompenfe  which  he  had  for 
this  long  vexation  was,  the  pleafure  of  fend 
ing  home  Wingfield  and  Archer,  when  the 
fhip  departed. 

The  other  fhip  arrived  in  the  fpring,  and 
notwithstanding  a  long  and  unavoidable  deten 
tion  in  the  Weft-Indies,  brought  them  a  com 
fortable  fupply  of  provifions.  They  took  ad 
vantage  of  the  opening  feaion,  to  rebuild  their 
houfes  and  chapel,  repair  the  palifades,  and 
plant  corn  for  the  enfuing  fummer,  in  all 
which  works  the  example  and  authority  of 
Smith,  were  of  eminent  fervice.  Every  man 
of  activity  was  fond  of  him,  and  thofe  of  a 
contrary  difpofition  were  afraid  of  him.  It 

was 


SMITH.  277 

was  propofed  that  he  fhould  go  into  the  coun 
try  of  the  Monacans,  beyond  the  falls  of 
James-river,  that  they  might  have  fome  news 
of  the  interior  parts  to  fend  home  to  the  com 
pany  ;  but  a  fray  with  the  Indians  detained 
him  at  James-town,  till  the  mip  failed  for 
England,  laden  chiefly  with  cedar,  but  not 
without  another  fpecimen  of  the  yellow  duft, 
of  which  Martin  was  fo  fond,  that  he  took 
charge  of  the  packages  himfelf  and  returned 
to  England.  An  acceflion  of  above  one  hun 
dred  men,  among  whom  were  feveral  gold- 
fmiths  and  refiners,  had  been  made  to  the  col 
ony,  by  the  two  laft  fhips,  and  a  new  mem 
ber,  Matthew  Scrivener,  was  added  to  the 
council. 

Having  finimed  the  necefTary  buflnefs  of 
the  feafon,  and  difpatched  the  ihip,  another 
voyage  of  difcovery  was  undertaken  by  Capt. 
Smith  and  fourteen  others.  They  went  down 
the  river  (June  10,  1608)  in  an  open  barge, 
in  company  with  the  fhip,  and  having  parted 
with  her  at  Cape  Henry,  they  crofTed  the 
mouth  of  the  bay,  and  fell  in  with  a  clufter 
of  iflands  without  Cape  Charles,  to  which 
they  gave  the  name  of  Smith's  Ifles,  which 
they  ftill  bear.  Then  re-entering  the  bay 
S  3  they 


278  SMITH. 

they  landed   on  the  eaftern  neck,   and  were 
kindly  received  by  Acomack,    the  prince   of 
that  peninfula,  a  part  of  which  ftill   bears  his 
name.     From  thence  they  coafted  the  eaftern 
fhore  of  the  bay,    and  landed   fdmetimes   on 
the  main,    and  at  other  times  on  the  low 
iflands,  of  which  they  found  many,  but   none 
fit  for  habitation.     They   proceeded    up  the 
bay  to  the  northward  and  crofled  over  to  the 
weftern  more,  down  which  they  coafted  to  the 
fouthward,  and  in   this    route  difcovered   the 
mouths  of  the   great  rivers,  which  fall   into 
the  bay  on  that  fide.     One  in  particular,    at 
tracted  much  of  their  attention,    becaufe   of  a 
reddHh   earth  which    they  found  there,    and 
from  its  refemblance  to  bole-ammoniac,   they 
gave  it  the   name  of  Bolus-river,  and  it  is  fo 
named  in  all  the  early  maps  of  the   country  ; 
but  in  the  later,  it  bears  the  Indian  name    Pa- 
tapfco  5  on  the  north  fide  of  which    is   now 
the  flourifhing  town  of    Baltimore.      They 
failed  thirty  miles  up  the  Potowmack,   with^ 
out  feeing  any  inhabitants  ;  but   on   entering 
a  creek  found  themfelves  furrounded  by   In 
dians  who  threatened  them.     Smith  prepared 
for  an  encounter  ;  but  on   firing   a  few  guns, 
the  Indians,  terrified  at  the  noife,  made  figns 

of 


S     M     I     T     H.  279 

of  peace,  and  exchanged  hoflages.  One  of  the 
company  was  by  this  means  carried  to  the 
habitation  of  their  prince,  and  the  whole  were 
kindly  ufed.  They  learned  that  it  was  by 
direction  of  Powhatan  that  the  Indians  were 
in  arms,  and  had  attempted  to  furprife  them  -y 
from  this  circumftance  they  were  led  to  fuf- 
pectthat  Powhatan,  had  been  informed  of 
this  expedition,  by  the  difcontented  part  of 
the  colony  whom  Smith  had  obliged  to  flay 
in  the  country  when  they  would  have  defert- 
ed  it. 

It  was  Smith's  invariable  cuftom,  when  he 
met  with  the  Indians,  to  put  on  a  bold  face, 
and  if  they  appeared  defirous  of  peace  to  de 
mand  their  arms,  and  fome  of  their  children 
as  pledges  of  their  fincerity  $  if  they  complied, 
he  conlidered  them  as  friends  -,  if  not,  as  ene 
mies.  In  the  courfe  of  this  voyage,  he  col 
lected  fome  furs,  and  difcovered  fome  colour 
ed  earths,  which  the  favages  ufed  as  paints, 
but  found  nothing  of  the  mineral  kind.  At 
the  mouth  of  the  Rappahanock,  the  boat 
grounded,  and  whilft  they  were  waiting  for  the 
tide,  they  employed  themfelves  in  flicking 
with  their  fwords  the  fames  which  were  left 
on  the  flats.  Smith  having  ftuck  his  fword 
S  4  into 


SMITH. 

into  a  ftingray,  the  fifli  raifed  its  tail,  and  with 
its  Iharp  indented  thorn,  wounded  him  in  the 
arm.  The  wound  was  extremely  painful,  and 
he  prefently  fwelled  to  that  degree,  that  they 
expected  him  to  die,  and  he  himfelf  gave 
them  orders  to  bury  him  on  a  neighbouring 
ifland.  But  the  furgeon,  Dr.  Rufiel,  having 
probed  the  wound  -,  by  the  help  of  a  certain 
oil,  ib  allayed  the  anguifh  and  fwelling,  that 
Smith  was  able  to  eat  part  of  the  fifh  for  his 
fupper.  From  this  occurrence,  the  place 
was  diftinguifhed  by  the  name  of  Stingray- 
Point,  which  it  flill  bears. 

On  the  2 1  ft  of  July,  they  returned  to 
James-town.  Having,  with  the  coloured 
earths  which  they  had  found,  difguifed  their 
boat  and  ftreamers,  their  old  companions  were 
alarmed  at  their  approach,  with  the  apprehen- 
fion  of  an  attack  from  the  Spaniards ;  this  was 
a  trick  of  Smith's  to  frighten  the  old  Prefi- 
dent,  who  had  rioted  on  the  public  {lores,  and 
was  building  a  houfe  in  the  woods,  that  he 
might  feclude  himfelf  from  the  fickly,  difcon- 
tented,  quarrelfome  company.  On  Smith's 
arrival,  they  fignified  their  defire  of  inverting 
him  with  the  government.  Ratcliffe  being 
depofed,  it  fell  to  him  of  courfe  ;  and  having 

recommended 


SMITH.  2*1 

recommended  Scrivener  to  preiide  in  his  ab- 
fence,  he  entered  on  another  voyage  of  difcov- 
ery,  being  determined  to  fpare  no  pains  for  a 
full  exploration  of  the  country. 

From  the  24th  of  July,  to  the  7th  of  Sep 
tember,  with  twelve  men  in  an  open  barge, 
he  ranged  the  bay  of  Chefapeak,  as  far  north 
ward  as  the  falls  of  Sufquehannah,  entering 
all  the  rivers  that  flow  into  the  bay,  and  ex 
amining  their  fhores.  In  fome  places,  the  na 
tives  were  friendly,  an  din  others  jealous.  Their 
idea  of  the  ftrange  vilitors,  was,  that  they  had 
come  "  from  under  the  world  to  take  their 
world  from  them."  Smith's  conftant  endea 
vour,  was  to  preferve  peace  with  them  ;  but 
when  he  could  not  obtain  corn  in  the  way  of 
traffic,  he  never  fcrupled  to  ufe  threats,  and 
in  fome  cafes,  violence,  and  by  one  or  the 
other  method  he  prevailed  fo  as  to  bring 
home  a  load  of  provifions  for  his  difcontented 
companions,  who  without  his  efforts  would 
not  have  been  able  to  live.  Sicknefs  and 
death  were  very  frequent,  and  the  lateft  com 
ers,  were  moft  affedted  by  the  diforders  of  the 
climate. 

Smith  was  now  eftablimed  in  the  prefiden- 
cy,  by  the  election  of  the  council  and  the  re- 

queft 


282  SMITH. 

queft  of  the  company  ;  but  the  commiflion. 
gave  to  a  majority  of  the  council  the  whole 
power.  Newport,  at  his  third  arrival,  brought 
over  two  new  members,  and  Ratcliffe  having 
flill  a  feat,  though  depofed  from  the  prefiden- 
cy,  Smith  was  obliged  in  fome  cafes  to  comply 
with  their  opinions,  contrary  to  his  own 
judgment,  an  initance  of  which  will  now  be 
exhibited. 

The  Virginia  company  in  London,  de 
ceived  by  falfe  reports,  and  mifled  by  their 
own  fanguine  imaginations,  had  conceived  an 
expectation  not  only  of  rinding  precious  metals 
in  the  country,  but  of  difcovering  the  South 
Sea,  from  the  mountains  at  the  head  of  James - 
river  -,  and  it  was  thought,  that  the  journey 
thither,  might  be  performed  in  eight  or  ten 
days.  For  the  purpofe  of  making  this  capi 
tal  difcovery,  they  put  on  board  Newport's  mip, 
a  barge  capable  of  being  taken  to  pieces,  and 
put  together  again  at  pleafure.  This  barge 
was  to  make  a  voyage  to  the  head  of  the  river, 
then  to  be  carried  in  pieces  acrofs  the  moun 
tains,  and  to  defcend  the  rivers  which  were 
fuppofed  to  run  weftward  to  the  South  Sea. 
To  faciliate  this  plan,  it  was  neceflary  to  gain 
the  favour  of  Powhatan,  through  whofe 

country 


SMITH.  283 

country  the  paffage  mufl   be   made  ;  and  as 
means  of  winning  him,  a  royal   prefent   was 
brought  over,  confifting  of  a  bafon  and  ewer, 
a  bed  and  furniture,  a  chair  of  flate,  a  fuit   of 
fcarlet  clothes,  with  a  cloak  and  a  crown,   all 
which  were  to  be   prefented  to  him  in  due 
form ;  and  the  crown  placed  on  his  head,  with 
as  much  folemnity   as  poffible.     To  a  perfon 
who  knew  the  country  and  its  inhabitants  fo 
well  as  Smith,  this  project  appeared   chimeri 
cal,  and  the  means  whereby  it  was  to  be  car 
ried  on,    dangerous.     With  a  fmall    quantity 
of  copper  and  a  few  beads,  he  could  have  kept 
Powhatan  in  good  humour,  and  made  an   ad 
vantage  of  it  for  the  colony,  whereas  a  profu- 
iion  of  prefents  he  knew  would  but   increafe 
his  pride  and  infolence.   The  project  of  travel 
ling   over   unknown    mountains     with    men 
already  weakened  by  ficknefs,  and  worn   out 
with  fatigue,    in  a  hot   climate,    and   in  the 
midft  of  enemies,  who  might  eafily   cut   off 
their  retreat,  was  too   romantic  even   for   his 
fanguine  and  adventrous  fpirit.     His   opinion 
upon  the  matter  cannot  be  expreffed  in   more 
pointed  language,  than  he   ufed  in  a  letter    to 
the  company.     "  If  the  quartered  boat  was 
burned  to  afhes,  one  might  carry  her  in  a  bag, 

but 


284  SMITH. 

but  as  me  is,  five  hundred  cannot,  to  a  navi 
gable  place  above  the  falls."  His  diffent 
however  was  ineffectual,  and  when  he  found 
that  the  voice  of  the  council  was  for  execut 
ing  it,  he  lent  his  am* fiance  to  effect  as  much 
of  it  as  was  practicable. 

Previoufly  to  their  fetting  out,  he  under 
took,  with  four  men  only,  to  carry  notice  to 
Powhatan  of  the  intended  prefent,  and  invite 
him  to  come  to  James-town,  that  he  might 
receive  it  there.  Plaving  travelled  by  land 
twelve  miles  to  Werocomoco,  on  Pamunky 
(York)  river,  where  he  expected  to  meet 
Powhatan,  and  not  finding  him  there,  whilft 
a  meffenger  was  difpatched  thirty  miles  for 
him  ;  his  daughter  Pocahontas,  entertained 
Smith  and  his  company  with  a  dance,  which 
for  its  fingularity,  merits  a  particular  def- 
cription. 

In  an  open  plain,  a  fire  being  made,  the 
gentlemen  were  feated  by  it.  Suddenly  a 
noife  was  heard  in  the  adjacent  wood,  which 
made  them  fly  to  their  arms,  and  feize  on  two 
or  three  old  men,  as  hoftages  for  their  own 
fecurity,  imagining  that  they  were  betrayed. 
Upon  this  the  young  princefs  came  running 
to  Smith,  and  paflionately  embracing  him, 

offered 


SMITH.  285 

offered  herfelf  to  be  killed,  if  any  harm  mould 
happen  to  him  or  his  company.  Her  aflur- 
ances,  feconded  by  all  the  Indians  prefent, 
removed  their  fears.  The  noife  which  had 
alarmed  them,  was  made  by  thirty  girls,  who 
were  preparing  for  the  intended  ceremony. 
Immediately  they  made  their  appearance,  with 
no  other  covering  than  a  girdle  of  green  leaves 
and  their  fkins  painted,  each  one  of  a  different 
colour.  Their  leader  had  a  pair  of  buck's 
horns  on  her  head,  an  otter's  fkin  as  her  gir 
dle,  and  another  on  one  arm  ;  a  bow  and  ar 
row  in  the  other  hand,  and  a  quiver  at  her 
back.  The  reft  of  them  had  horns  on 
their  heads,  and  a  wooden  fword  or  ftafF  in 
their  hands.  With  fhouting  and  finging, 
they  formed  a  ring  round  the  fire,  and  per 
formed  a  circular  dance  for  about  an  hour, 
after  which  they  retired  in  the  fame  order  as 
they  had  advanced.  The  dance  was  followed 
by  a  feaft,  at  which  the  favage  nymphs  were 
as  eager  with  their  carefles  as  with  their  at 
tendance  ;  and  this  being  ended,  they  con 
ducted  the  gentlemen  to  their  lodging  by  the 
light  of  fire  brands. 

The  next  day  Powhatan  arrived,  and  Smith 
tklivered  the  meflage  from  his  father,  Newport 

(as 


286  SMITH. 

(as  he  always  called  him)  to  this  effect. 
««  That  he  had  brought  him  from  the  King 
of  England,  a  royal  prefent,  and  wifhed  to  fee 
him  at  James-town,  that  he  might  deliver  it 
to  him  5  promifing  to  aflift  him  in  profecut- 
ing  his  revenge  againft  the  Monacans,  whofe 
country  they  would  penetrate  even  to  the  fea 
beyond  the  mountains."  To  which  the  fav- 
age  prince  with  equal  fubtilty  and  haughti- 
nefs,  anfwered,  "  If  your  King  has  fent  me  a 
prefent,  I  alfo  am  a  King,  and  am  on  my  own 
land.  I  will  flay  here  eight  days.  Your  father 
muft  come  to  me,  I  will  not  go  to  him,  nor 
to  your  fort.  As  for  the  Monacans,  I  am 
able  to  revenge  myfelf.  If  you  have  heard  of 
felt  water  beyond  the  mountains,  from  any  of 
my  people,  they  have  deceived  you."  Then 
with  a  flick  he  drew  a  plan  of  that  region  on 
the  ground  j  and  after  many  compliments  the 
conference  ended. 

The  prefent  being  put  on  board  the  boats, 
•was  carried  down  James-river  and  up  the  Pa- 
munkee,  whilft  Newport,  with  fifty  men,  went 
acrofs  by  land  and  met  the  boats,  in  which  he 
paffed  the  river,  and  held  the  propofed  inter 
view.  All  things  being  prepared  for  the  ce 
remony  of  coronation,  the  prefent  was  brought 

from 


SMITH.  287 

from  the  boats  j  the  bafon  and  ewer  were  de- 
pofited,   the  bed  and  chair  were  fet  up,   the 
fcarlet  fuit  and  cloak   were  put  on,   though 
not  till   Namontac   (an  Indian  youth  whom 
Newport  had  carried  to  England  and  brought 
back  again)  had  affured  him  that  thefe  habili 
ments  would  do  him  no  harm ;  but  they  had 
great  difficulty  in  perfuading  him  to  receive 
the  crown,   nor  would  he  bend  his  knee,  or 
incline  his  head  in   the  leafl  degree.     After 
many   attempts,  and   with  actual  preffing  on 
his   moulders,   they  at  laft  made  him  ftoop  a 
little  and  put  it  on.     Inftantly,  a  fignal  being 
given,   the  men  in  the  boats  fired  a  volley,  at 
which  the  monarch  ftarted  with  horror,  im 
agining  that  a  defign  was  forming  to  deftroy 
him  in  the  fummit  of  his  glory;  but  being 
afTured  that  it-  was  meant  as  a  compliment,  his 
fear  fubfided,  and  in  return  for  the  baubles  of 
royalty  received  from  King  James,  he  defired 
Newport  to  prefent  him  his  old  fur  mantle 
and  deer  fkin  (hoes,  which  in  his  eftimation. 
were  doubtlefs  a  full  equivalent ;  fince  all  this 
finery  could  not  prevail  on  the  wary  chief  to 
allow  them  guides  for  the  difcovery  of  the  in 
land  country,  or  to  approve  their  defign  of 
vifiting  it.     Thus  difappointed  they  returned 

to 


288  SMITH. 

to  James-town,  determined  to  proceed  with 
out  his  affiftance. 

Smith,  who  had  no  mind  to  go  on  fuch  a 
fruitlefs  errand,  tarried  at  the  fort  with  eighty 
invalids  to  relade  the  (hip,  whilfl  Newport 
with  all  the  council,  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty  of  the  health ieft  men,  began  their 
tranfmontane  tour  of  difcovery.  They  pro 
ceeded  in  their  boats  to  the  falls  at  the  head 
of  the  river ;  from  thence  they  travelled  up 
the  country  two  days  and  a  half,  and  difcover- 
cd  two  towns  of  the  Monacans,  the  inhabit 
ants  of  which  fcemed  very  indifferent  toward 
them,  and  ufed  them  neither  well  nor  ill. 
They  took  one  of  their  petty  princes  and  led 
him  bound  to  guide  them.  Having  perform 
ed  this  march,  they  grew  weary  and  returned, 
taking  with  them  in  their  way  back  certain 
portions  of  earth,  in  which  their  refiner  pre 
tended  that  he  had  feen  figns  of  filver.  This 
was  all  the  fuccefs  of  their  expedition  ;  for  the 
Savages  had  concealed  their  corn,  and  they 
could  neither  perfuade  them  to  fell  it,  nor  find 
it  to  take  it  by  force.  Thus  they  returned  to 
James-town,  tired,  difappointed,  hungry  and 
iick,  and  had  the  additional  mortification  of 
being  laughed  at  by  Smith  for  their  vain  at 
tempt. 

The 


SMITH.  289 

The  Virginia  company  had  not  only  a  view 
to  the  difcovery  of  the  South  Sea,  but  alfo  to 
eftablifh  manufactures  in  their  colony  ;  and  for 
this  purpofe  had  fent  over  a  number  of  work 
men  from  Poland  and  Germany,  who  were 
fkilled  in  the  making  pot  ames  and  glafs,  as 
well  as  pitch  and  tar.  Had  the  country  been 
full  of  people,  well  cultivated  and  provided 
with  all  neceflaries  for  carrying  on  thefe  works, 
there  might  have  been  fome  profpect  of  ad 
vantage;  but,  in  a  new  region,  the  principal 
objects  are  fubfiftence  and  defence ;  thefe  will 
necefTarily  occupy  the  firfl  adventurers  to  the 
exclufionof  all  others.  However,  Smith  was 
of  fo  generous  a  difpofttion,  and  fo  indefatiga 
ble  in  doing  what  he  apprehended  to  be  his 
duty,  and  in  gratifying  his  employers,  that  as 
foon  as  Newport  returned  from  his  fruitlefs 
attempt  to  find  the  South  Sea,  he  fet  all,  who 
were  able,  to  work,  that  he  might,  if  poffible, 
anfwer  the  expectation  of  the  company.  Thole 
who  were  fkilled  in  the  manufactures,  he  left 
under  the  care  of  the  council,  to  carry  on  their 
works  ;  \vhilft  he  took  thirty  of  the  moft  ac 
tive  with  him,  about  five  miles  down  the  riv 
er,  to  cut  timber,  and  make  clapboards  ;  this 
being,  as  he  well  knew,  an  employment  the 
T  moft 


290  S     iM     I     T     H. 

moft  certain  of  fuccefs.  Among  thefe  were 
feveral  young  gentlemen,  whofe  hands  not 
having  been  ufed  to  labour,  were  bliftered  by 
the  axes,  and  this  occalioned  frequent  expref- 
fions  of  impatience  and  profanenefs.  To 
punifh  them,  Smith  caufed  the  number  of 
every  man's  oaths  to  be  taken  down  daily,  and 
at  night  as  many  canns  of  water  to  be  poured 
inlide  his  fleeve.  This  difcipline  was  no  lefs 
fingular  than  effectual  ;  it  fo  leffened  the 
number  of  oaths,  that  fcarcely  one  was  heard 
in  a  week,  and  withal  it  made  them  perfectly 
good  humoured,  and  reconciled  them  to  their 
labour.  At  his  return  to  the  fort,  he  found, 
not  only  that  bufmefs  had  been  neglected,  but 
much  provifion  confumed,  and  that  it  was 
neceffary  for  him  to  undertake  another  expe 
dition  for  corn.  He,  therefore,  went  up  the 
Chickahamony  with  two  boats  and  eighteen 
men,  and  rinding  the  Indians  not  in  a  humour 
for  trading,  but  rather  fcornful  and  infolent, 
he  told  them  that  he  had  come  not  fo  much 
for  corn,  as  to  revenge  his  imprifonment,  and 
the  murder  of  his  two  men,  fome  time  before. 
Putting  his  crew  in  a  pofture  of  attack,  the 
Indians  fled,  and  prefently  fent  meflengers  to 
treat  of  peace ;  for  the  obtaining  which,  he 

made 


SMITH.  291 

made  them  give  him  an  hundred  bulhels  of 
corn,  with  a  quantity  of  fifh  and  fowls  •>  and 
with  this  fupply  he  kept  the  colony  from 
flarving,  and  preferved  the  mip's  provifions 
for  her  voyage  to  England.  At  her  depar 
ture,  me  carried  fuch  fpecimens  as  could  be 
had  of  tar,  pitch,  turpentine,  foap  afhes,  clap 
boards,  and  wainfcotj  and  at  Point  Comfort, 
met  with  Scrivener,  who  had  been  up  the 
Pamaunkee  for  corn,  and  had  got  a  quantity  of 
pocones,  a  red  root,  ufed  in  dying  ;  thefe  being 
taken  on  board,  Capt.  Newport  returned  to 
England  the  third  time,  leaving  about  two 
hundred  perfons  in  Virginia. 

The  harveft  of  1608,  had  fallen  mort  both 
among  the  new  planters  and  the  natives ;  and 
the  colony  was  indebted  to  the  inventive  ge 
nius  and  indefatigable  perfeverance  of  Smith, 
for  their  fubfiftence  during  the  fucceeding 
winter.  As  long  as  the  rivers  were  open,  he 
kept  the  boats  continually  going  among  the 
natives,  for  fuch  fupplies  as  could  be  obtain 
ed  ;  and  he  never  would  return  empty,  if  any 
thing  were  to  be  had  by  any  means  in  his 
power.  Whilft  abroad  on  thefe  excurfions, 
he  and  his  men  were  obliged  frequently  to 
lodge  in  the  woods,  when  the  ground  was 
T  2  hard 


292  S     M     I     T     H. 

hard  frozen  and  covered  with  fnow ;  and  their 
mode  of  accomodating  themfelves  was,  firft 
to  dig  away  the  fnow  and  make  a  fire ;  when 
the  ground  was  dried  and  warmed,  they  re 
moved  the  fire  to  one  fide,  and  fpread  their 
mats  over  the  warm  fpot  for  their  bed,  ufing 
another  mat  as  a  fcreen  from  the  wind ;  when 
the  ground  cooled,  they  fhifted  the  fire  again ; 
by  thus  continually  changing  their  pofition 
they  kept  themfelves  tolerably  warm  through 
many  cold  nights ;  and  it  was  obferved,  that 
thofe  who  went  on  this  fervice  and  fubmitted 
to  thefe  hardfhips,  were  robuft  and  healthy, 
whilfl  thofe  who  flayed  at  home  were  always 
weak  and  fickly. 

The  fupplies  procured  by  trading  being  in- 
fufficient,  and  hunger  very  prefling,  Smith 
ventured  on  the  dangerous  project  of  furpriz- 
ing  Powhatan,  and  carrying  off  his  whole 
flock  of  provifions.  This  Indian  prince,  had 
formed  a  fimilar  defign  refpefting  Smith ; 
and  for  the  purpofe  of  betraying  him,  had  in 
vited  him  to  his  feat,  promifing  that  if  he 
would  fend  men  to  build  him  a  houfe,  after 
the  Englifh  mode,  and  give  him  fome  guns 
and  fwords,  copper  and  beads,  he  would  load 
his  boat  with  corn.  Smith  fent  him  three 

Dutch 


SMITH.  293 

Dutch  carpenters,  who  treacheroufly  revealed 
to  him  the  defign  which  Smith  had  formed, 
On  his  arrival  with  forty  fix  men,  he  found 
the  prince,  fo  much  on  his  guard,  that  it  was 
impoffible  to  execute  his  defign.  Having 
fpent  the  day  in  converfation  (in  the  courfe 
of  which  Powhatan  had  in  vain  endeavoured 
to  perfuade  Smith  to  lay  aficje  his  arms,  as 
being  there  in  perfect  fecurity)  he  retired  in 
the  evening  and  formed  a  defign  to  furprize 
Smith,  and  his  people  at  their  fupper  -,  and 
had  it  not  been  for  the  affectionate  friendfhip 
of  Pocahontas,  it  would  p.robably  have  been 
effected.  This  amiable  girl,  at  the  rifque  of 
her  life,  ftole  from  the  fide  of  her  father,  and 
paffing  in  the  dark  through  the  woods,  told 
Smith  with  tears  in  her  eyes  of  the  plot,  and 
then  as  privately  returned.  When  the  In 
dians  brought  in  the  fupper,  Smith  obliged 
them  to  tafte  of  every  difh ;  his  arms  were  in 
readinefs,  and  his  men  vigilant ;  and  though 
there  came  divers  fets  of  meffengers  one  after 
another,  during  the  night,  under  pretence  of 
friendly  inquiries,  they  found  them  fo  well 
prepared,  that  nothing  was  attempted,  and  the 
party  returned  in  fafety, 

T3  In 


294  S     M     I     T     H. 

In  a  fubfequent  vifit  to  Opecancanough,  by 
whom  he  formerly  was    taken  prifoner,    this 
prince    put   on   the   femblance  of  friendfhip, 
whilft  his  men  lay  in  ambum  with  their  bows 
and  arrows.     The  trick  being  difcovered  by 
one  of  Smith's   party  and  communicated  to 
him,  he  refolutely  feized  the  King  by  his  hair, 
and  holding  a  piftol  to   his  breaft,   led  him 
trembling  to  the  ambum,  and  there  with  a 
torrent   of  reproachful  and  menacing  words, 
obliged  him  to  order   thofe   very  people   not 
only  to  lay  down  their  arms,  but  to  load  him 
with  provifions.    After  this,  they  made  an  at 
tempt  to  murder  him  in  his  fleep,  and  to  poi- 
fon   him,  but  both  failed  of  fuccefs.     The 
chief  of  Pafpiha   meeting  him   alone  in  the 
woods,   armed  only  with  a  fword,  attempted 
to   moot  him,  but  he  clofed  with  the  favage, 
and  in  the  ftruggle  both  fell  into  the  river  j 
where,  after  having  narrowly  efcaped  drown 
ing,  Smith   at  laft  prevailed  to  gripe  him   by 
the  throat,  and  would  have  cut  off  his  head, 
but  the  intreaties  of  the  poor  vi<5tim  prevail 
ing  on   his  humanity,  he  led  him  prifoner  to 
James-town. 

This  intrepid  behaviour  ftruck  a  dread  into 
the  favager,  and   they  began  to  believe   what 

he 


SMITH.  295 

he  had  often   told   them,    that,    "  his   God 
would  protect  him  againft  all    their   power, 
whilft  he  kept  his   promife ;  which  was  to 
preferve   peace  with  them    as  long  as   they 
fhould  refrain  from  hoftilities,  and  continue  to 
fupply  him  with  corn."     An  incident  which 
occurred  about  the  fame  time,  confirmed  their 
veneration  for  him.     An  Indian  having  ftolen 
a  piftol  from  James-town,  two  brothers  who 
were  known  to  be  his  companions  were  feiz- 
ed,  and  one  was  held  as  hoftage  for  the  other, 
who  was  to  return  in  twelve  hours  with  the 
piftol,  or  the  prifoner  was  to  be  hanged.    The 
weather  being  cold,  a  charcoal  fire  was  kind 
led  in  the  dungeon  which  was  very  clofe,  and 
the  vapour  had  fo  fuffbcated  the  prifoner,  that 
on  the  return  of  his  brother  at  the  appointed 
time,  with  the  piftol,   he   was   taken  out  as 
dead.     The  faithful  favage  lamented  his  fate 
in  the  moft  diftreffing  agony.     Smith,  to  con- 
fole  him,  promifed,  if  they   would  fteal  no 
more,  that  he  mould  be  recovered.     On  the 
application  of  fpirits  and  vinegar,  he  mewed 
figns  of  life,  but  appeared  delirious  -,  this  griev 
ed  the  brother  as  much  as  his  death.     Smith 
undertook   to  cure  him  of  this  alfo,    on    the 
repetition  of  the   promife  to  fteal  no  more. 
T4  The 


296  S     M     I     T     H. 

The  delirium  being  only  the  effedr,  of  the  fpi- 
rits  which  he  had  fwallowed,  was  remedied 
by  a  few  hours  ileep ;  and  being  difmifTed, 
with  a  prefent  of  copper,  they  went  away,  be 
lieving  and  reporting  that  Smith  was  able  tt 
bring  the  dead  to  life.  The  effect  was,  that 
not  only  many  ftolen  things  were  recovered, 
and  the  thieves  punimed,  but  that  peace  and 
friendly  intercourfe  were  prefer ved,  and  corn 
brought  in  as  long  as  they  had  any,  whilfl 
Smith  remained  in  Virginia. 

He  was  equally  fevere  and  refolute  with  his 
own  men,  and  finding  many  of  them  inclin 
ing  to  be  idle,  and  this  idlenefs  in  a  great 
meafure  the  caufe  of  their  frequent  fickneffes 
and  deaths,  he  made  an  order,  " that  he  who 
would  not  work  fhould  not  eat,  unlefs  he 
were  difabled,  by  ficknefs ;  and  that  every 
one  who  did  not  gather  as  much  food  in  a  day 
as  he  did  himfelf,  fhould  be  banifhed."  A 
recent  attempt  having  been  made,  to  run  away 
with  the  boats,  he  ordered  that  the  next  per- 
fon  who  fhould  repeat  this  offence  fhould  be 
haneed.  Ey  firmnefs  in  the  execution  of 
thefe  laws,  and  by  the  concurrent  force  of  his 
own  example  in  labouring  continually,  and 
his  whole  fhare  of  European  pro- 

vifions 


SMITH.  297 

vifions  and  refreshments  to  the  fick,  he  kept 
the  colony  in  fuch  order,  that,  though  many 
of  them  murmured  at  his  feverity,  they  all  be 
came  very  induftrious ;  and  withal  fo  healthy, 
that,  of  two  hundred  perfons,  there  died 
that  winter  and  the  next  fpring  no  more  than 
feven.  In  the  fpace  of  three  months  they  had 
made  a  quantity  of  tar,  pitch,  and  pot  afhes  ; 
had  produced  a  fample  of  glafs  -,  dug  a  well  in 
the  fort ;  built  twenty  new  houfes  -,  provided 
nets  and  wiers  for  liming ;  creeled  a  block 
houfe  on  the  ifthmus  of  James-town  j  anoth 
er  on  Hog  liland  ;  and  had  begun  a  fortrefs 
on  a  commanding  eminence.  As  the  fpring 
came  on,  they  paid  fuch  attention  to  hufband- 
ry,  as  to  have  thirty  or  forty  acres  cleared  and 
fit  for  planting  ;  and  a  detachment  had  been 
fent  to  the  fouthward,  to  look  for  the  long  loft 
colony  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  but  without 
fuccefs. 

Such  was  the  ftate  of  the  Virginia  colony, 
when  Captain  Samuel  Argal  arrived  on  a  trad 
ing  voyage,  and  brought  letters  from  the  com 
pany  in  England,  complaining  of  their  difap- 
pointment,  and  blaming  Smith  as  the  caufe  of 
it.  They  had  conceived  an  ill  opinion  of 
Jiim,  from  the  perfons  whom  he  had  fent 

home, 


298  SMITH. 

home,  who  reprefented  him  as  arbitrary  and 
violent  toward  the  colonifts,  cruel  to  the  fav- 
ages,  and  difpofed  to  traverfe  the  views  of  the 
adventurers,  who  expected  to  grow  rich  very 
fuddenly. 

There  was  this  difadvantage  attending  the 
bufmefs  of  colonization  in  North  America,  at 
that  day,  that  the  only  precedents  which  could 
be  had  were  thole  of  the  Spaniards,  who  had 
treated  the  natives  with  extreme  cruelty,  and 
amaffed  vail  fums  of  gold  and  filver.  Whilft 
the  Englifh  adventurers  detefted  the  means  by 
which  the  Spaniards  had  acquired  their  riches, 
they  ftill  expected  that  the  fame  kind  of  riches 
might  be  acquired  by  other  means ;  it  was 
therefore  thought  politic,  to  be  gentle  in  de 
meanor  and  lavifh  of  prefents  toward  the  na 
tives,  as  an  inducement  to  them  to  difcover 
the  riches  of  their  country.  On  thefe  princi 
ples  the  orders  of  the  Virginia  company  to 
their  fervants  were  framed.  But  experience 
had  taught  Smith,  the  moft  difcerning  and 
faithful  of  all  whom  they  had  employed,  that 
the  country  of  Virginia  would  not  enrich  the 
adventurers  in  the  time  and  manner  which 
they  expected;  yet  he  was  far  from  abandon 
ing  it  as  worthlefs :  his  aim,  was  thoroughly 

to 


SMITH.  299 

to  explore  it;  and  by  exploring,  he  had difcov- 
cred  what  advantages  might  be  derived  from 
it ;  to  produce  which,  time,  patience,  expenfe 
and  labour,   were  abfolutely   neceilary.      He 
had  fairly  reprefented   thefe  ideas   to  his  em 
ployers,  he  had  fpent  three  years  in  their  fer- 
vice,  and  from  his  own  obfervations  had  drawn 
and  fent  them  a  map  of  the  country  -,  and  he 
had  conducted  their  affairs,  as  well  as  the  na 
ture  of  circumftances  would  permit.     He  had 
had  a  diforderly,  factious,  difcontented,  difap- 
pointed  fet  of  men,  to  control,    by  the  help 
of  a  few  adherents  j  in  the  face  of  the  native 
Jords  of  the  foil,  formidable  in  their  numbers 
and  knowledge  of  the  country,  verfed  in  flrat- 
agem,  tenacious  of  refentment,  and  jealous  of 
ftrangers.     To  court  them  by  prefents  was  to 
acknowledge  their  fuperiority,  and  inflate  their 
pride  and  infolence.     Though  favages,   they 
were  men  and  not  children.     Though  defti- 
tute  of  fcience,  they  were  pofTeffed  of  reafon, 
and  a  fufficient  degree  of  art.     To  know  how 
to  manage  them,   it  was  necefTary  to   be  per- 
fonally  acquainted  with  them ;  and  it  muft  be 
obvious,  that  a  perfon  who  had  refided  feveral 
years  among   them,   and  had  been  a  prifoner 
with  them,  was  a  much  better  judge  of  the 

proper 


3oo  SMITH. 

proper  methods  of  treating  them,  than  a  com 
pany  of  gentlemen  at  feveral  thoufand  miles 
diftance,  and  who  could  know  them  only  by 
report.  Smith  had,  certainly,  the  interefl  of 
the  plantation  at  heart,  and  by  toilfome  expe 
rience,  had  jult  learned  how  to  conduft  it ; 
when  he  found  himfelf  fo  obnoxious  to  his 
employers,  that  a  plan  was  concerted  to  fuper- 
fede  him,  and  reinftate,  with  a  mare  of  autho 
rity,  thofe  whom  he  had  difmifTed  from  the 
fervice. 

The  Virginia  Company  had  applied  to  the 
King  to  recal  their  patent  and  grant  another  ; 
in  virtue  of  which  they  appointed  -Thomas 
Lord  de  la  Warre,  general  ;  Sir  Thomas 
Gates,  lieutenant  general  ;  Sir  George  Somers, 
admiral  ;  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  marmal  ;  Sir 
Ferdinando  Wainman,  general  of  horfe  ;  and 
Captain  Newport,  (the  only  one  of  them  who 
had  feen  the  country)  vice-admiral.  The  ad 
venturers  having,  by  the  alteration  of  their  pa 
tent,  acquired  a  reinforcement  both  of  dignity 
and  property,  equipped  nine  (hips  ;  in  which 
were  embarked  five  hundred  perfons,men,wom- 
en  and  children.  Gates,  Somers,  and  Newport, 
had  eachacommiflion,  inverting  either  of  them 

who  might  firfl  arrive,  with  power  to  call  in  the 

old 


SMITH.  301 

old  and  fet  up  the  new  commiilion.  The  fleet 
failed  from  England  in  May  1609,  and  by  fome 
flrange  policy  the  three  commanders  were  em 
barked  in  one  fhip.  This  {hip  being  feparated 
from  the  others  in  a  ftorm,  was  wrecked  on 
the  ifland  of  Bermuda  ;  another  foundered  at 
lea  ;  and  when  the  remaining  feven  arrived  in 
Virginia,  two  of  which  were  commanded  by 
Ratclifte  and  Archer,  they  found  themfelves 
deftitu^e  of  authority  ;  though  fome  of  them 
were  full  enough  of  prejudice  againft  Smith 
who  was  then  in  command.  The  fhips  had 
been  greatly  mattered  in  their  pafTage,  much 
of  their  provilion  was  fpoiled,  many  of  their 
people  were  fick  ;  and  the  feafon  in  which 
they  arrived  was  not  the  mod  favourable  to 
their  recovery.  A  mutinous  fpirit  foon  broke 
out,  and  a  fcene  of  confufion  enfued  ;  the  new 
comers  would  not  obey  Smith,  becaufe  they 
fuppofed  his  commiffion  to  be  fuperfeded  j  the 
new  commiffion  was  not  arrived,  and  it  was 
uncertain  whether  the  (hip  which  carried  it 
would  ever  be  feen  or  heard  of.  Smith  would 
gladly  have  withdrawn  and  gone  back  to  Eng 
land,  but  his  honor  was  concerned  in  main 
taining  his  authority  till  he  mould  be  regularly 
fuperfeded  ;  and  his  fpirit  would  not  fufferhirn 

to 


302  S     M     I    T     H. 

to  be  trampled  on  by  thofe  whom  he  defpifed. 
Upon  due  confideration,  he  determined  to 
maintain  his  authority  as  far  as  he  was  able  ; 
waiting  fome  proper  opportunity  to  retire. 
Some  of  the  moft  infolent  of  the  new  comers, 
"  he  laid  by  the  heels."  With  the  more 
moderate  he  confulted  what  was  beft  to  be 
done  ;  and,  as  a  feparation  feemed  to  be  the 
beft  remedy,  and  it  had  been  in  contempla 
tion  to  extend  the  fettlements,  fome  were  in 
duced  to  go  up  to  the  Falls,  others  to  Nanfe- 
mond,  and  others  to  Point  Comfort.  Smith's 
.year  being  almoft  expired,  he  offered  to  relign 
to  Martin,  who  had  been  one  of  the  old  coun 
cil,  but  Martin  would  not  accept  the  com 
mand  ;  he,  therefore,  kept  up  the  form  ;  and, 
as  much  as  he  could,  of  the  power  of  govern 
ment  ;  till  an  accident  which  had  nearly 
proved  fatal  to  his  life,  obliged  him  to  return 
to  England. 

On  his  return  from  the  new  plantation  at 
the  Falls  ;  fleeping  by  night  in  his  boat ;  a 
bag  tof  gun  powder  took  fire,  and  burnt 
him  in  a  moft  terrible  manner.  Awaking 
in  furprife,and  finding  himfelf  wrapt  in  flames* 
he  leaped  into  the  water,  and  was  almoft 
drowned,  before  his  companions  could  recover 

him. 


SMITH.  303 

him.  At  his  return  to  James- town,  in  this 
diftrefTed  condition,  Ratcliffe  and  Archer  con- 
fpired  to  murder  -him  in  his  bed  -,  but  the 
afTafTin,  whom  they  employed,  had  not  courage 
to  fire  a  piftol.  Smith's  old  foldiers  would 
have  taken  off  their  heads  -,  but  he  thought 
it  prudent  to  pafs  by  the  offence,  and  take 
this  opportunity,  as  there  was  no  furgeon  in 
the  country,  of  returning  to  England.  As 
foon  as  his  intention  was  known,  the  council 
appoirited  Mr.  Percie  to  prefide  in  his  room  ; 
and  detained  the  (hip  three  weeks,  till  they 
could  write  letters,  and  frame  complaints 
againft  him.  He  at  length  failed  for  England, 
about  the  latter  end  of  September  1609  ; 
much  regreted  by  his  few  friends,  one  of 
whom  has  left  this  character  of  him.  "  In 
all  his  proceedings  he  made  juftice  his  firft 
guide,  and  experience  his  fecond  -,  hating 
bafenefs,  floth,  pride,  and  indignity,  more  than 
any  dangers.  He  never  would  allow  more 
for  himfelf  than  for  his  foldiers  -,  and  upon 
no  danger  would  fend  them  where  he  would 
not  lead  them  himfelf.  He  would  never  fee 
us  want  what  he  had,  or  could  by  any  means 
get  for  us.  He  would  rather  want  than  bor 
row  i  or  ftarve,  than  not  pay.  He  loved  action 
more  than  words  ;  and  hated  covetoufnefs 

and 


304  S     M     I     T     H. 

and  falfehood  worfe  than  death.  His  adven 
tures  were  our  lives ;  and  his  lofs  our  deaths." 

There  needs  no  better  teftimony  to  the 
truth  of  this  character,  than  what  is  related 
of  the  miferable  colony  after-  he  had  quitted 
it.  Without  government,  without  prudence, 
carelefs,  indolent,  and  factious,  they  became 
a  prey  to  the  infolence  of  the  natives,  to  the 
difeafes  of  the  climate  and  to  famine.  With 
in  fix  months,  their  number  was  reduced  from 
five  hundred  to  fixty ;  and  when  the  three 
commanders,  who  had  been  wrecked  on  Ber 
muda,  arrived  (1610)  with  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men  in  two  fmall  veflels,  which  they  had 
built  out  of  the  ruins  of  their  fhip,  and  the 
cedars  which  grew  on  the  ifland ;  they  found 
the  remnant  of  the  colony  in  fuch  a  forlorn 
condition ;  that  without  hefitation,  they  de 
termined  to  abandon  the  country,  and  were 
failing  down  the  river ;  when  they  met  a  boat 
from  the  Lord  De  la  Warre,  who  had  come 
with  a  fleet  to  their  relief.  By  his  perfuafion 
they  refumed  the  plantation,  and  to  this  for 
tunate  incident,  may  be  afcribed  the  full  ef- 
tablidiment  of  the  colony  of  Virginia. 

Such  a  genius  as  Smith's  could  not  remain, 
idle.  He  was  well  known  in  England,  and 

the 


SMITH.  30$ 

the  report  of  his  valour,  and  his  fpirit  of  ad 
venture,  pointed  him  out  to  a  number  of 
merchants,  who  were  engaged  in  the  Ameri 
can  fimery,  as  a  proper  perfon  to  makedifcov* 
eries  on  the  coaft  of  North  Virginia.  In 
April  1614,  he  failed  from  London  with  two 
{hips,  and  arrived  at  the  ifland  of  Monahigon 
in  latitude  43°^ ,  as  it  was  then  computed, 
where  he  built  feven  boats.  The  defign  of 
the  voyage  was  to  take  whales,  to  examine  a 
mine  of  gold,  and  another  of  copper,  which 
were  faid  to  be  there  -,  and  if  either,  or  both 
of  thefe  mould  fail,  to  make  up  the  cargo 
with  fifh  and  furs.  The  mines  proved  a  fic 
tion,  and  by  long  chafing  the  whales  to  no 
purpofe,  they  loft  the  beft  feafon  for  nming  ; 
but  whilft  the  feamen  were  engaged  in  thefe 
fervices  ;  Smith,  in  one  of  his  boats,  with 
eight  men,  ranged  the  coaft,  eaft  and  weft, 
from  Penobfcot  to  Cape  Cod  ;  bartering  with 
the  natives  for  beaver  and  other  furs,  and 
making  obfervations  on  the  mores,  iflands, 
harbours,  and  head  lands  3  which,  at  his  re 
turn  to  England,  he  wrought  into  a  map,  and 
prefenting  it  to  prince  Charles,  (afterward  the 
royal  mar 7*j/r)with  arequeft  that  he  would  give 
the  country  a  name,  it  was  for  the  firft  time 
U  called 


306  S     M     I    T    H.- 

called  New-England.  The  prince  alfo  made 
feveral  alterations  in  the  names  which  Smith 
had  given  to  particular  places.  For  inftance, 
he  had  called  the  name  of  that  promontory, 
which  forms  the  eaftern  entrance  of  MafTa- 
chufetts  bay,  Tragabigzanda  ;  after  the  name 
of  the  Turkifh  lady  to  whom  he  had  been 
formerly  a  flave  at  Constantinople  ;  and  the 
three  iflands  which  lie  off  the  Cape,  the 
Turks  Heads,  in  memory  of  his  victory  over 
the  three  Turkifh  champions,  in  his  Tranfyl- 
vanian  adventures.  The  former,  Charles,  in 
filial  refped:  to  his  mother,  called  Cape  Anne, 
which  name  it  has  ever  fince  retained  j  the 
name  of  the  iflands  has  long  fince  been  loft  ; 
and  another  clufter  to  which  he  gave  his  own 
name,  Smith's  Ifles,  and  which  name  the 
prince  did  not  alter,  are  now,  and  have  for 
more  than  a  century  been  called  the  Ifles  of 
Shoals ;  fo  that  the  moft  pointed  marks  of  his 
difcoveries  on  the  coaft  of  New-England,  have, 
either  by  his  own  complaifance  to  the  fon  of 
his  fovereign,  or  by  force  of  time  and  acci 
dents  become  obfolete.  When  he  failed  for 
England  in  one  of  the  mips,  he  left  the  other 
behind,  to  complete  her  lading,  'vith  orders 
to  fell  the  filh  in  Spain.  The  mailer,  Thomas 

Hunt, 


SMITH;  3*07 

Hunt*  decoyed  twenty  four  of  the  natives  on 
board,  and  fold  them  in  Spain  for  Haves. 
The  memory  of  this  bafe  tranfaclion  was  long 
preferved  among  the  Americans,  and  fucceed- 
ing  adventurers  fuffered  on  account  of  it. 

At  Smith's  return  to  England  he  put  in  at 
Plymouth  j  where  relating  his  adventures, 
and  communicating  his  fentiments  to  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  he  was  introduced  to  the 
Plymouth  Company  of  adventurers  to  North 
Virginia,  and  engaged  in  their  fervice.  At 
London  he  was  invited  by  the  South  Virginia 
company  to  return  to  their  fervice  ;  but  made 
ufe  of  his  engagement  with  the  Plymouth 
adventurers  as  an  excufe  for  declining  their 
invitation.  From  this  circumftance  it  feems, 
that  they  had  been  convinced  of  his  former 
fidelity,  notwithftanding  the  letters  and  re 
ports  which  they  had  formerly  received  to  his 
difad  vantage. 

During  his  fhy  in  London,  he  had  the 
very  fingular  pleafure  of  feeing  his  friend 
Pocahontas,  the  daughter  of  Powhatan.  Hav 
ing  been  made  a  prifoner  in  Virginia,  (he  was 
there  married  to  Mr.  John  Rolfe,  and  by 
him  was  brought  to  England.  She  was  then 
about  twenty  two  years  of  age  ;  her  pcribn 
U  2  was 


308  SMITH. 

was  graceful,  and  her  deportment  gentle  and 
pleafing.  She  had  been  taught  the  Englifh 
language  and  the  Chriftian  religion,  and  bap 
tized  by  the  name  of  Rebecca.  She  had  heard 
that  Smith  was  dead,  and  knew  nothing  to 
the  contrary,  till  (he  arrived  in  England. 
The  fame  of  an  Indian  princefs- excited  great 
curiofity  in  London  ;  and  Smith  had  the  ad- 
drefs  to  write  a  handfome  letter  to  the  Queen, 
letting  forth  the  merits  of  his  friend,  and  the 
eminent  fervices  (he  had  done  to  him  and  the 
colony  of  Virginia.  She  was  introduced  by 
the  lady  De  la  Warre  ;  the  Queen  and  royal 
family  received  her  with  much  complacency, 
and  me  proved  herfelf  worthy  of  their  notice 
and  refpecl.  At  her  firft  interview  with 
Smith  fhe  called  him  father  ;  and  becaufe  he 
did  not  immediately  return  the  falutation  and 
call  her  child,  me  was  ib  overcome  with 
grief,  that  {he  hid  her  face  and  would  not 
fpeak  for  ibmetime.  She  was  ignorant  of  the 
ridiculous  affectation  which  reigned  in  the 
court  of  James  ;  which  forbad  Smith  aflum- 
ing  the  title  of  father,  to  the  daughter  of  a 
King  j  and  when  informed  of  it  (he  defpifed 
it  ;  patlionately  declaring,  that  me  loved  him 
/as  a  father,  and  had  treated  him  as  fuch  in 

her 


SMITH.  309 

her  own  country,   and   would  be   his   child 
wherever   me  went.  .  The  fame  pedantic  af 
fectation  caufed  her  hufoand  to  be  looked  upon 
as  an  offender,  for   having,  though  a   fubject, 
invaded   the  myfterious  rights   of  royalty   in 
marrying  above  his   rank.       This  marriage, 
however,  proved  beneficial  to  the  colony,    as 
her  father   had    thereby   become  a   friend    to 
them,  and  when  the  came  to  England,  he  fent 
with  her   Uttamaccomac,   one   of  his  trufty 
counfellors -,  whom  he  enjoined  to  inquire  for 
Smith,  and  tell    him  whether   he   was   alive. 
Another  order  which  he   gave  him   was,    to 
bring  him  the  number  of  people  in  England  ; 
accordingly,  on  his  landing  at  Plymouth,    the 
obedient  favage  began  his  account  by   cutting 
a  notch  on  a  long  ftick  for  every  perfon  whom 
he  faw  -y  but  foon  grew  tired  of  his  employ 
ment,  and  at  his  return    told    Powhatan    that 
they  exceeded  the   number   of  leaves  on    the 
trees.     A    third   command  from    his   prince 
was,  to  fee  the    God  of  England,   and   the 
King,  Queen,  and  Princes,    of  whom   Smith 
had  told  him  fo  much  ;    and    when  he   met 
with  Smith,  he  delired  to   be  introduced   to 
thofe  perfonages.     He  had  before   this   {een 
the  King,  but  would  not   believe  it  ;  becaufe 
U3  the 


3io  SMITH. 

the  perfon  whom  they  pointed  out  to  him  had 
not  given  him  any  thing.  "  You  gave  Pow- 
hat'an  (faid  he  to  Smith)  a  white  dog,  but 
your  King  has  given  me  nothing/'  Mr. 
Rolfe  was  preparing  to  return  with  his  wife 
to  Virginia,  when  {he  was  taken  ill  and  died 
at  Gravefend  ;  leaving  an  infant  fon,  Thomas 
Rolfe,  from  whom  are  defcended  feveral  fam 
ilies  of  note  in  Virginia,  who  hold  their  lands 
by  inheritance  from  her. 

Smith  had  conceived  fuch  an  idea  of  the 
value  and  importance  of  the  American  conti 
nent,  that  he  was  fully  bent  on  the  bufmefs  of 
plantation,  rather  than  fiming  and  trading  for 
furs.  In  this  he  agreed  with  his  friend  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  the  few  other  active 
members  of  the  council  of  Plymouth,  but  it 
had  become  an  unpopular  theme.  One  colo 
ny  had  been  driven  home  from  Sagadahock  by 
the  feverity  of  the  feafon  and  the  deaths  of 
their  leaders.  Men  who  were  fit  for  the 
buiinefs  were  not  eafily  to  be  obtained,  thole 
who  had  formerly  been  engaged  were  difcour- 
aged,  and  it  required  great  ftrength  of  mind 
as  well  as  liberality  of  purfe,  to  fet  on  foot 
another  experiment.  After  much  trouble  in 
endeavouring  to  unite  perfons  of  oppofite  in- 

terefis., 


S     M.    I     T     H.  3u 

terefts,  and  ftimulate  thofe  who  had  fuftained 
former  loffes,  to  new  attempts,  he  obtained 
one  fhip  of  two  hundred  tons,  and  another  of 
fifty,  with  which  he  failed  in  1615.  Plav- 
ing  proceeded  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
leagues,  they  were  feparated  in  a  ftorm  -,  the 
fmaller  one  commanded  by  Capt.  Thomas 
Dermer  purfued  her  voyage  ;  but  Smith  hav 
ing  loll  his  marts  was  obliged  to  put  back 
under  a  jury  mail  to  Plymouth.  There  he 
put  his  flores  on  board  a  fmall  bark  of  fixty 
tons,  and  thirty  men,  of  whom  fixteen  were  to 
aflift  him  in  beginning  a  new  colony. 

Meeting  with  an  Englifh  pirate,  his  men 
would  have  had  him  furrender  ;  but  though 
he  had  only  four  guns,  aud  the  pirate  thirty 
fix,  he  difdained  to  yield.  On  fpeaking  with 
her,  he  found  the  commander  and  fome  of  the 
crew  to  be  his  old  fhipmates,  who  had  run 
away  with  the  (hip  from  Tunis,  and  were  in 
diftrefs  foe  provifions  ;  they  offered  to  put 
themfelvcs  under  his  command,  but  he  reject 
ed  the  propofal  and  went  on  his  voyage.  Near 
the  Weftern  Iflands  he  fell  in  with  two 
French  pirates  ;  his  men  were  again  thrown 
into  a  panic,  and  would  have  ftruck,  but  he 
threatened  to  blow  up  the  (hip,  if  they  would 
U  4  not 


3ia  SMITH. 

not  fight  ;  and  by  firing  a  few  running  (hot, 
he  efcaped  them  alfo.  After  this  he  was  met 
by  four  French  men  of  war,  who  had  orders 
from  their  Sovereign  to  feize  pirates.  He 
fhowed  them  his  commifiion  under  the  great 
feal  ;  but  they  prefi dioufly  detained  him  whilft 
they  fuffered  his  fhip  to  efcape  in  the  night, 
and  return  to  Plymouth.  They  knew  his 
enterprifing  fpirit,  and  were  afraid  of  his  mak 
ing  a  fettlement  in  New-England,  fo  near 
to  their  colony  of  Acadla ;  and  they  fuf- 
pected,  or  at  leaft  pretended  to  fufpect,  that 
he  was  the  perfon  who  hod  broken  up  their 
fifhery  at  Port  Royal  (which  was  really  done 
by  Captain  Argal)  the  year  before. 

When  their  cruife  was  finimed,  they  carried 
him  to  Rqchelle  -,  and  notwithftanding  their 
promifes  to  allow  him  a  {hare  of  the  prizes 
which  they  had  taken  whilft  he  was  with 
them,  they  kept  him  as  a  prifoner  on  board  a 
ihip  at  anchor.  But  a  ftorm  arifing,  which 
drove  all  the  people  below,  he  took  the  boat, 
with  an  half  pike  for  an  oar,  thinking  to 
make  his  efcape  in  the  night.  The  current 
was  fo  ftrong  that  he  drifted  to  fea,  and  was 
near  periming.  By  the  turn  of  the  tide  he 
got  afhore,  on  a  marfhy  ifland,  where  fome 

fowlers 


SMITH.  313 

fowlers  found  him  in  the  morning  almoft  dead 
with  cold  and  hunger.  He  gave  them  his 
boat  to  carry  him  to  Rochelle,  where  he 
learned  that  the  fhip  which  had  taken  him, 
with  one  of  her  prizes,  which  was  very  rich, 
had  been  driven  on  more  in  that  ftorm,  and 
loft,  with  her  Captain  and  one  half  of  the 
men. 

Here  he  made  his  complaint  to  the  judge 
of  the  Admiralty,  and  produced  fuch  evidence 
in  fupport  of  his  allegations, that  he  was  treat 
ed  with  fair  words  ;  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  he  got  any  recompence.  He  met  here 
and  at  Bourdeaux  with  many  friends,  both 
French  and  Englim,  and  at  his  return  to  Eng 
land,  published  in  a  fmall  quarto,  an  account 
of  his  two  laft  voyages,  with  the  depofitions 
of  the  men  who  were  in  the  fhip  when  he 
was  taken  by  the  French.  To  this  book  he 
prefixed  his  map  of  New-England  -3  and  in  it 
gave  a  defcription  of  the  country,  with  its 
many  advantages,  and  the  proper  methods  of 
rendering  it  a  valuable  acquifition  to  the  Eng- 
lifh  dominions.  When  it  was  printed,  he 
went  all  over  the  weft  of  England,  giving 
copies  of  it  to  all  perfons  of  note  ;  and  en 
deavouring  to  excite  the  nobility,  gentry,  and 

merchants. 


3i4  SMITH. 

merchants,  to  engage  with  earncflnefs  in  the 
bufinefs  of  colonizing  America.  He  obtained 
from  many  of  them  fair  promifes,  and  was 
complimented  by  the  Plymouth  company  with 
the  title  of  Admiral  of  New-England.  But 
the  former  ill  fuccefs  of  fome  too  fanguine  ad 
venturers,  had  made  a  deep  imprefiion,  and  a  va 
riety  of  crofs  incidents,  baffled  all  his  attempts. 

However,  his  experience  and  advice  were 
of  eminent  fervice  to  others.  The  open  frank- 
nefs  and  generofity  of  his  mind  led  him  to 
give  all  the  encouragement  which  he  could  to 
the  bufmefs  of  fi  filing  and  planting  in  New- 
England  ;  for  which  purpofe,  in  1622,  he 
pablifhed  a  book,  entitled,  "  New-England's 
Tryals"  fome  extracts  from  which  are  preferv- 
ed  by  Purchas.*  No  man  rejoiced  more 
than  himfelf  in  the  eftablifhment  of  the  colo 
nies  of  Plymouth  and  MaiTachufetts. 

When  the  news  of  the  maflacre  of  the  Vir 
ginian  planters  by  the  Indians,  1622,  arrived 
in  England,  Smith  was  all  on  fire  to  go  over 
to  revenge  the  infult.  He  made  an  offer  to 
the  company  that  if  they  would  allow  him 
one  hundred  foldiers  and  thirty  failors,  with 
the  necefTary  provifions  and  equipments,  he 
would  range  the  country,  keep  the  natives  in 

awe, 

*  Vol.  v,  p,  1837. 


S     M     I     T     H.  315 

awe,  protect  the  planters,  and  make  difcover- 
ies,  of  the  hitherto  unknown  parts  of  Ameri 
ca  ;  and  for  his  own  rifque  and  pains  would 
defire  nothing  but  what  he  would  "  produce 
from  the  proper  labour  of  the  favages."  On 
this  propofal  the  company  was  divided,  but 
the  pufillanimous  and  avaricious  party  pre 
vailed  ;  and  gave  him  this  anfwer,  "  that  the 
charges  would  be  be  too  great ;  that  their 
flock  was  reduced  ;  that  the  planters  ought 
to  defend  themfelves  ;  but,  that  if  lie  would 
go  at  his  own  expenfe,  they  would  give  him 
leave,  provided  he  would  give  them  one  half 
of  l\\t  pillage ."  Such  an  anfwer  could  be  re 
ceived  only  with  contempt. 

When  the  King  in  1624,  inftituted  a  com- 
miffion  for  the  reformation  of  Virginia,  Smith, 
by  defire  of  the  commiffioners,  gave  in  a  re 
lation  of  his  former  proceedings  in  the  colony, 
and  his  opinion  and  advice  refpecling  the 
proper  methods  of  remedying  the  defeats  in 
government,  and  carrying  on  the  plantation 
with  a  profpecl:  of  fuccefs.*  Thefe  with  ma 
ny 

*  Agreeably  to  Smith's  advice  to  thefe  commiRloners,  Kiiig 
Charles  I.  at  his  acceffion  diffblved  the  company,  in  1626,  and  re 
duced  the  colony  usder  the  immediate  direction  of  the  croxvn,  ap 
pointing  the  governor  and  council,  and  ordering  all  patents  and 
procefles  to  iflue  in  his  own  name, 


316  SMITH. 

ny  other  papers  he  collected  and  publimed,  in 
1627,  in  a  thin  folio,  under  the  title  of,  "  The 
General  Hiftory  of  Virginia,  New- England, 
and  the  Somer  Ides."  The  narrative  part  is 
made  up  of  journals  and  letters  of  thofe  who 
were  concerned  with  him  in  the  plantation, 
intermixed  with  his  own  obfervations.  His 
intimate  friend,  Mr.  Purchas,  had  publifh- 
ed  moft  of  them  two  years  before  in  his  "  Pil 
grims." 

In  1629,  at  the  requeft  of  Sir  Robert  Cot 
ton,  he  publimed  a  hiftory  of  the  early  part  of 
his  life,  entitled,  "  The  true  Travels,  Adven 
tures  and  Obfervations  of  Capt.  John  Smith." 
This  work  is  preferved  intire,  in  the  fecond 
volume  of  Churchill's  collections,  and  from  it, 
the  former  part  of  this  account  is  compiled. 
In  the  concluiion  he  made  fome  addition  to 
the  hiftory  of  Virginia,  Bermuda,  New-Eng 
land  and  the  Weft  Indies,  refpedting  things 
which  had  come  to  his  knowledge,  after  the 
publication  of  his  general  hiftory.  He  ftated 
the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  in  1628  at  five 
thoufand,  and  their  cattle  about  the  fame 
number.  Their  produce  was  chiefly  tobacco ; 
but  thofe  few  who  attended  to  their  gardens 
bad  all  forts  of  fruit  and  vegetables  in  great 

abundance 


SMITH.  317 

abundance  and  perfection.  From  New-Eng 
land,  they  received  falted  fifti  ;  but  of  frefh 
filh  their  own  rivers  produced  enough,  befide 
an  infinite  quantity  of  fowl  ;  as  their  woods 
did  of  deer  and  other  game.  They  had  two 
brew  houfes  ;  but  they  cultivated  the  Indian 
corn,  in  preference  to  the  European  grain. 
Their  plantations  were  fcattered  ;  fome  of 
their  houfes  were  palifaded  ;  but  they  had  no 
fortifications  nor  ordnance  mounted. 

His  account  of  New-England  is,  that  the 
country  had  been  reprefented  by  adventurers 
from  the  weft  of  England,  as  rocky,  barren 
and  defolate  ;  but  that,  fmce  his  account  of  it 
had  been  publimed,  the  credit  of  it  was  fo 
raifed,  that  forty  or  fifty  fail  went  thither  an 
nually  on  fifhing  and  trading  voyages.  That 
nothing  had  been  done  to  any  purpofe  in 
eftabliming  a  plantation,  till  "  about  an  hun 
dred  Brownifts  went  to  New-Plymouth  ; 
whofe  humorous  ignorance  caufed  them  to 
endure  a  wonderful  deal  of  mifery,  with  infi 
nite  patience." 

He  then  recapitulates  the  hiftory  of  his 
American  adventures  in  the  following  terms. 
"  Now  to  conclude  the  travels  and  adven 
tures  of  Captain  Smith  :  How  firft  he  plant 
ed 


318  S    M     I    T     H. 

ed  Virginia,  and  was  fet  afhore  with  a  hundred 
men  in  the  wild  woods  ;  how  he  was  taken 
prifoner  by  the  favages,  and  by  the  King  of 
Pamaunky  tied  to  a  tree  to  be  fhot  to  death  ; 
led  up  and  down  their  country,  to  be  mown 
for  a  wonder  ;  fatted  as  he  thought  for  a  fac- 
rifice  to  their  idol,  before  whom  they  conjur 
ed  three  days,  with  ftrange  dances  and  invoca 
tions  ;  then  brought  before  their  Emperor 
Powhatan,  who  commanded  him  to  be  {lain  ; 
how  his  daughter  Pocahontas  faved  his  life, 
returned  him  to  James-town,  relieved  him 
and  his  famiflied  company,  which  was  but 
eight  and  thirty,  to  poflefs  thofe  large  domi 
nions  ;  how  he  difcovered  all  the  feveral  na 
tions  on  the  rivers  falling  into  the  bay  of  Chef- 
apeak  ;  how  he  was  ftung  almoft  to  death  by 
the  poifonous  tail  of  a  fifh  called  a  ftingray ; 
how  he  was  blown  up  with  gunpowder  and 
returned  to  England  to  be  cured. 

"  Alfo  how  he  brought  New  England  to 
the  fubjection  of  the  kingdom  of  Great  Brit- 
tain  ;  his  fights  with  the  pirates,  left  alone 
among  French  men  of  war,  and  his  fhip  ran 
from  him  ^  his  fea  fights  for  the  French  a- 
gainft  the  Spaniards ;  their  bad  ufage  of  him  ; 
how  in  France,  in  a  little  boat,  he  efcaped 

them 


SMITH.  319 

them  ;  was  adrift  all  fuch  a  ftormy  night  at 
fea  by  himfelf,  when  thirteen  French  mips 
were  fplit  or  driven  on  more  by  the  ifle  of 
Rhee,  the  General  and  moft  of  his  men 
drowned  ;  when  GOD,  to  whom  be  all  honor 
and  praife,  brought  him  fafe  on  more  to  the 
admiration  of  all  who  cfcaped ;  you  may  read 
at  large  in  his  general  hiftory  of  Virginia,  the 
Somer  iflands  and  New  England." 

This  was  probably  his  laft  publication,  for 
he  lived  but  two  years  after.  By  a  note  in 
JolTelyn's  voyage,  it  appears  that  he  died  in 
1631,  at  London,  in  the  fifty  fecond  year  of 
his  age. 

It  would  give  lingular  pleafure  to  the  com 
piler  of  thefe  memoirs,  if  he  could  learn  from 
any  credible  teftimony,  that  Smith  ever  receiv 
ed  any  recompence  for  his  numerous  fervices 
and  fufFerings.  The  fenfe  which  he  had  of 
this  matter,  in  1627,  ma^  be  g*ven  in  his 
own  words.  "  I  have  fpent  five  years,  and 
more  than  five  hundred  pounds,  in  the  fer- 
vice  of  Virginia  and  New  England,  and  in 
neither  of  them  have  I  one  foot  of  land,  nor 
the  very  houfe  I  built,  nor  the  ground  I  dig 
ged  with  my  own  hands  j  but  I  fee  thofe 
countries  mared  before  me  by  thofe  who  know 
them  only  by  my  defcriptions." 

XIII. 


320 


XIII.     D  E    M  O  N  T  S, 
POUTRINCOURT 

AND 

CHAM  PLAIN. 

xxFTER  the  difcovery  of  Canada,  by 
Carrier,  the  French  continued  trading  to  that 
country  for  furs,  and  fifhing  on  the  banks  of 
Newfoundland,  Cape  Breton  and  Acadia ; 
where  they  found  many  excellent  and  conve 
nient  harbours,  among  which  Canfeau  wae 
early  diftinguifhed  as  a  place  extremely  fuita- 
ble  for  the  fimery.  One  Savalet,  an  old  mari 
ner,  who  frequented  that  port,  had  before 
1609  made  no  lefs  than  forty  two  voyages  to 
thofe  parts.* 

Henry  IV,  King  of  France,  perceived  the 
advantages  which  might  arife  to  his  kingdom 
from  a  farther  exploration  of  the  northern, 
parts  of  America ;  and  therefore  gave  encour 
agement  to  thofe  who  were  defirous  of  mak 
ing  adventures.  In  1598,  the  Marquis  DE 
LA  ROCHE  obtained  a  commidion  of  Lord 
Lieutenant,  and  undertook  a  voyage  with  a 
view  to  eftablifh  a  colony ;  confiding  of  con 
victs 

*  Purchas  v.    1640. 


D     E      M     O    N    T    S.         321 

vicls  taken  out  of  the  prifons.  Happening 
in  the  courfe  of  his  voyage  to  fall  in  with  the 
ifle  of  Sable,  a  low,  fandy  id  and,  lying  about 
twenty  five  leagues  fouthward  of  Canfeau,  he 
there  landed  forty  of  his  miferable  crew,  to 
fubfift  on  the  cattle  and  fwine,  with  which 
the  place  had  been  flocked  by  the  Portuguefe, 
for  the  relief  of  fhipwrecked  feamen.  The 
reafon  given  for  chufing  this  forlorn  place, 
for  the  difembarkation  of  his  colony,  was, 
that  they  would  be  out  of  all  danger  from  the 
favages,  till  he  mould  find  a  better  fituation 
for  them  on  the  continent,  when  he  promifed 
to  return  and  take  them  off.  Whether  he 
ever  reached  the  continent  is  uncertain,*  but 
he  never  again  law  the  ifle  of  Sable.  Return 
ing  to  France,  he  engaged  in  the  wars,  was 
made  a  prilbner  by  the  Duke  of  Merceur,  and 
foon  after  died.  The  wretched  exiles  fubiift- 
ed  on  fuch  things  as  the  place  afforded,  and 
clothed  themfelves  with  the  {kins  of  feals. 
At  the  end  of  feven  years,-)-  King  Henry,  in 

compaffion, 

*  Forfler  fays,  that  "he  made  in  different  parts  of  it,  fuch  re- 
fcarches  as  he  thought  necefiary,  and  then  returned  to  France." 
p.  443.  Purchas  fays  that  "it  was  his  fortune,  by  reafon  of  con 
trary  wind,  not  to  find  the  main  land,  but  was  blown  back  to 
France."  Vol.  v,  p.  1807. 

+  Purchas  fays  twelve ;  this  will  bring  it  to  the  laft  year  of 
Henry's  life,  1610. 

w 


322         D     E       M     O     N     T     S. 

companion,  fent  a  fimerman  to  bring  them 
home.  Twelve  only  were  then  alive.  The 
fimerinan,  concealing  frlm  them  the  generous 
intention  of  their  fovereign,  took  all  the  fkins 
which  they  had  collected  as  a  recompence  for 
his  fervices,  fome  of  which  being  black  foxes 
were  of  great  value.  The  King  had  them 
brought  before  him  in  their  feal  fkin  habits 
and  long  beards.  He  pardoned  their  former 
crimes,  and  made  each  of  them  a  prefent  of 
fifty  crowns.  When  they  difcovered  the 
fraud  of  the  fifherman,  they  inftituted  a  pro- 
cefs  againft  him  at  law,  and  recovered  large 
damages ;  by  means  of  which  they  acquired 
fo  much  property  as  to  enter  into  the  fame 
kind  of  traffic. 

The  King  alfo  granted  to  PONTGRAVE  DE 
CMAUVIN,  an  exclufive  privilege  of  trading  at 
Tadoufac,  the  mouth  of  the  river  Saguenay ; 
to  which  place  he  made  two  voyages,  and  was 
preparing  for  a  third  when  he  was  prevented 
by  death. 

The  next  voyager  of  any  note  was  SAMUEL 
CHAMPLAIN,  of  Brouage;  a  man  of  a  noble 
family  ;  who,  in  1603,  failed  up  the  river  of 
Canada,  as  far  as  Cartier  had  gone  in  1535. 
He  made  many  inquiries  of  the  natives  con 
cerning 


D     E      M     O     N     T     S.         323 

cerning  their  country,  its  rivers,  falls,  lakes, 
mountains  and  mines.  The  refult  of  his  in 
quiry  was,  that  a  communication  was  formed, 
by  means  of  two  lakes, with  the  country  of  the 
Iroquois  toward  the  fouth ;  that  toward  the 
weft  there  were  more  and  greater  lakes  of 
frefh  water,  to  one  of  which  they  knew  no 
limits ;  and  that  to  the  northward  there  was 
an  inland  fea  of  fait  water.  In  the  courfe  of 
this  voyage,  Champlain  anchored  at  a  place 
called  Quebeck,  which  in  the  language  of  the 
country  fignified  a  flrait  j  and  this  was  thought 
to  be  a  proper  fituation  for  a  fort  and  fettle- 
inent.  He  heard  of  no  mines  but  one  of 
copper,  far  to  the  northward.  With  this  in 
formation  he  returned  to  France,  in  the  month 
of  September. 

On  the  eighth  of  November  in  the  fame 
year  King  Henry  granted  to  the  Sieur  DE 
Mo  NTS,  a  gentleman  of  his  bed  chamber,  a 
patent  constituting  him  Lieutenant  General 
of  all  the  territory  of  L'Acadia,  from  the  for 
tieth  to  the  forty  fixth  degree  of  north  latitude, 
with  power  to  fubdue  the  inhabitants  and 
convert  them  to  the  Chriftian  faith.*  This 

patent 

*  See  the  patent,  in  French,  in  Hazard's  Collection,  vol.  i.  45, 
and  tranflated  iato  Englifh,  in  Churchill's  Collections,  vol.  viii, 
p.  796. 

W  2 


324        D     E      M     O     N     T     S. 

patent  was  publifhed  in  all  the  maritime  towns 
of  France  -,  and  De  Monts  having  equipped 
two  veflels  failed  for  his  new  government  on 
the  feventh  of  March,  1604;  taking  with 
him  the  aforefaid  Samuel  Cham  plain  for  a 
pilot,  and  Monlieur  DE  POUTRINCOURT 
\vho  had  been  for  a  long  time  defirous  to  vifit 
America. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  they  arrived  at  a  har 
bour  on  the  S.  E.  fide  of  the  peninfula  of  Acadia 
where  they  found  one  of  their  countrymen, 
Roflignol,  trading  with  the  Indians  without 
licence.  They  feized  his  {hip  and  cargo  j 
leaving  him  only  the  poor  confolation,  of  giv 
ing  his  name  to  the  harbour  where  he  was 
taken  j  the  provifions  found  in  his  fhip  were 
a  feafonable  fupply,  and  without  them  the  en- 
terprize  muft  have  been  abandoned.  This 
place  is  now  called  Liverpool. 

From  Port  Roflagnol  they  coafted  the  pen 
infula  to  the  S.  W.  and  having  doubled 
Cape  Sable  came  to  anchor  in  the  bay  of  St. 
Mary,  where  Aubry,  a  pried,  going  afliore,  was 
loft  in  the  woods,  and  a  proteflant  was  charg 
ed  with  having  murdered  him,  becaufe  they 
had  fometimes  had  warm  difputation  on  re 
ligious  fubjedts.  They  waited  for  him  fever- 

al 


D     E       M     O     N     T     S.         325 

al  days,  firing  guns  and  founding  trumpet?, 
but  in  vain  ;  the  noife  of  the  fea  was  fo  great 
that  no  other  found  could  be  heard.  Con 
cluding  that  he  was  dead,  they  quitted  the 
place  after  fixteen  days  ;  intending  to  examine 
that  extenfive  bay  on  the  weft  of  the  peninfu- 
la  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  La  Baye 
Francoife ;  but  which  is  now  called  the  Bay 
of  Fnnda.  The  prieil  was  afterward  found 
alive,  but  almoft  flarved  to  death. 

On  the  eaftern  fide  of  this  bay  they  difcov- 
ered  a  narrow  itrait,  into  which  they  entered, 
and  foon  found  themfelves  in  a  fpacious  ba- 
fon,  invironed  with  hills,  from  which  de- 
fcended  ftreams  of  freili  water  ;  and  between 
the  hills  ran  a  fine  navigable  river,  which  they 
called  L'Equille.  It  was  bordered  with  fertile 
meadows,  and  full  of  delicate  fifh.  Poutrin- 
court,  charmed  with  the  beauty  of  the  place, 
determined  here  to  take  his  refidence,  and 
having  received  a  grant  of  it  from  De  Monts, 
gave  it  the  name  of  Port  Royal.  [Anna 
polis.] 

From  Port  Royal,  De  Monts  failed  farther 

into  the  great  bay,  to  vifit  a  copper  mine.     It 

was  a  high  rock,  on  a  promontory,  between 

two   bays.     [Menis.]     The   copper,    though 

W  3  mixed 


326         D     E      M     O     N     T     S. 

mixed  with  ftone,  was  very  pure  ;  relembling 
that   called  Rozette   copper.     Among   thefe 
ftones  they  found  chryftals  and  a  certain  fhin- 
ing  ftone  of  a  blue  colour.       Specimens    of 
thefe  ftones  were  fent  to  the  King. 

In  farther  examining  the  bay  they  came  to 
a  great  river  which  they  called  St.  John's ; 
full  of  iflands  and  fwarming  with  fifh.  Up 
this  river  they  failed  fifty  leagues,  and  were 
extremely  delighted  with  the  vaft  quantity  of 
grapes  which  grew  on  its  banks.  By  this 
river  they  imagined  that  a  Ihorter  communica 
tion  might  be  had  with  the  Baye  de  Chaleur 
and  the  port  of  Tadoufac,  than  by  the  fea. 

From  the  river  St.  John  they  coafted  the 
bay,  fouthwefterly,  till  they  came  to  an  ifland 
in  the  middle  of  a  river  which  Champlain  had 
previoufly  explored.  Finding  its  fituatioii 
fafe  and  convenient,  De  Monts  refolved  there 
to  build  a  fort  and  pafs  the  winter.  To  this 
ifland  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Crojx  j*  be- 

caufe 

*  This  is  a  Ration  of  much  importance.  It  has  given  rife  to  a 
controverfy,  between  the  United  States  and  the  Britifh  govern 
ment,  which  is  not  yet  terminated.  I  fhall  therefore  give  a  de- 
fcription  of  this  ifland  and  its  furrounding  waters,  from  a  tranfla- 
lion  of  Mark  Lefcarbot's  hiftory  of  the  voyages  of  De  Monts, 
in  which  he  himfelf  was  engaged,  and  therefore  had  fcen  the  place 
which  he  defcribes.  This  tranflation  is  to  be  found  at  large  in 

Churchill's 


D     E      M     O     N     T     S.         327 

caufe  that  two  leagues  higher  there  were 
brooks  which  "  came  crofs-wife  to  fall  with 
in  this  large  branch  of  the  fea." 

The  winter  proved  fevere,  and  the  people 
fuffered  fo  much  by  the  fcurvy,  that  thir 
ty  fix  of  them  died  ;  the  remaining  forty,  who 
were  all  lick,  lingered  till  the  fpring  (1605) 
when  they  recovered  by  means  of  the  frefh 
vegetation.  The  remedy  which  Cartier  had 
found  in  Canada  was  here  unknown. 

As 

Churchill's  Colle&ions,  vol.  viii,  -796,  and  an  abridgement  of  it  ia 
Purchas's  Pilgrims,  vol.  v,  1619. 

"  Leaving  St.  John's  river,  they  came,  following  the  coaft 
twenty  leagues  from  that  place,  to  a  great  river,  which  is  proper 
ly  fea,  fj.  e.  fait  water]  where  they  fortified  themfelves  in  a  lit 
tle  ijland  feated  in  the  midft  of  this  river,  which  the  faid  Cham- 
plain  had  been  to  difcover  and  view.  And,  feeing  it  ftrong  by 
nature,  and  of  eafy  defence  and  keeping  ;  befides  that  the  feafon 
began  to  flide  away,  and  therefore  it  was  behoveful  to  provide  of 
lodging,  without  running  any  farther,  they  refolved  to  make  their 
abode  there. 

"  Before  we  fpeak  of  the  {hip's  return  to  France,  it  is  meet  to 
tell  you,  how  hard  the  ifle  of  St.  Croix  is  to  be.  found  out,  to 
them  that  were  never  there.  For  there  are  fo  many  ifles  and  great 
bays  to  go  by  [from  St.  John's]  before  one  be  at  it,  that  I  won 
der  how  one  might  ever  pierce  fo  far  as  to  find  it.  There  are 
three  or  four  mountains,  imminent  above  the  others,  ore  the  fides; 
but  on  the  north  Jide  from  whence  the  river  runneth  down,  there 
is  but  a  JJiarp  pointed  one,  above  two  leagues  dijiant.  The 
woods  of  the  main  land  are  fair  and  admirable  high,  and  well 
grown,  as  in  like  manner  is  the  grafs.  There  is  right  over  again  ft 
the  ijland  frejh  water  brooks,  very  pleafam  and  agreeable  ; 

where 
W  4 

I 


328         D     E       M     O     N     T     S. 

As  foon  as  his  men  were  recovered,  De 
Monts  refolved  to  feek  a  comfortable  ftation 
in  a  warmer  climate.  Having  victualled  and 
armed  his  pinnace  he  failed  along  the  coaft 
to  Norombega,  a  name  which  had  been  given 
by  fome  European  adventurers  to  the  bay  of 
Peno'ofcot  -j  from  thence  he  failed  to  Kenne- 
bec,  Cafco,  Saco,  and  finally  came  to  Male- 
barrc,  as  Cape  Cod  was  then  called  by  the 

French. 

where  divers  of  Monf.  De  Monts  men  did  their  bufincfs.  and 
builded  there,  certain  cabbins.  As  for  the  nature  of  the  ground 
it  is  moft  excellent,  and  moft  abundantly  fruitful.  For  the  faid 
Monf.  De  Monts  having  caufcd  there  fome  piece  of  ground  to  be 
tilled,  and  the  fame  fowed  with  rye  ;  he  was  not  able  to  tarry  for 
the  maturity  thereof  to  reap  it  ;  and  notwithftanding,  the  grain 
fallen  hath  grown  and  increafed  fo  wonderfully,  that  two  years  af 
ter,  we  reaped  and  Bid  gather  of  it  as  fair,  big  and  weighty  as  in 
France,  which  the  foil  hath  brought  forth  without  any  tillage  :  ar;d 
yet  at  this  prefent  [i6ocjj  it  doth  continue  (till  to  multiply  every 
year. 

"  The  faid  ifland  containeth  fome  half  a  league  in  circuit, 
and  at  the  end  of  it,  on  the  fca  fide,  there  is  a  mount,  or  Jmc.ll 
hill,  which  is,  as  it  were,  a  little  ijle.  fevered  from  the  other, 
where  Monf.  De  Monts  his  cannon  were  placed.  There  is  alfo 
a  little  chappcl,  built  after  the  favage  fafliion.  At  the  foot  of 
which  chappel  there  is  fiich  Jlore  of  muffles  as  is  wonderful, 
which  may  be  gathered  at  low  water,  but  they  are  fmall. 

"  Now  let  us  prepare  and  hoift  up  fails.  Monf.  de  Poutrin- 
rourt  made  the  voyage  into  thefc  parts,  with  fome  men  of  good 
fort,  not  to  winter  there  ;  but  as  it  were  to  feek  out  his  feat,  and 
find  out  a  land  that  might  like  him.  Which  he  having  done,  had 
no  need  to  fojourne  there  any  longer.  So  then,  the  {hips  being 

rcsdr 


D     E       M     O     N     T     S.         329 

French.  In  fome  of  the  places  which  he 
had  patted,  the  land  was  inviting  ;  and  par 
ticular  notice  was  taken  of  the  grapes  ;  but 
the  favages  appeared  numerous,  unfriendly  and 
thievifh  :  De  Monts'  company  being  fmall^he 
preferred  fafety  to  pleafure,  and  returned  firft 
to  St.  Croix,  and  then  to  Port  Royal  ;  where 
he  found  Dupont,  in  a  fhip  from  France, 
with  frefh  fupplies  and  a  reinforcement  of 

forty 

ready   for  the  return,  he  {hipped  himfelf,  and  thofe  of  his  compa 
ny  in  one  of  them. 

"  During  the  forefaid  navigation,  Monf.  De  Monts  his  people, 
did  work  about  the  fort  i  which  he  feated  at  the  end  of  the  :'£- 
and,  oppofite  to  the  place  where  he  had  lodged  his  cannon. 
Which  was  wifely  confidered,  to  the  end  to  command  the  river 
up  and  down.  But  there  was  an  inconvenience  ;  the  faid  fort 
did  lie  toward  the  north,  and  without  any  fhelter,  but  of  the  trees 
that  were  on  the  ifie  more,  which  all  about  he  commanded  to  be 
kept  and  not  cut  down. 

"  The  moft  urgent  things  being  done,  and  hoary  fnowy  father 
being  come,  that  is  to  fay  winter,  then  they  were  forced  to  keep 
within  doors,  and  to  live  every  one  at  his  own  home.  During 
which  time,  our  men  had  three  fpecial  difcommodities,  in  this  ifl- 
and,  want  of  wood,  (for  that  which  was  in  the  faid  ifle  was  fpent 
in  buildings)  lack  of  frefii  water,  and  the  continual  watch  mad« 
by  night,  fearing  fome  furprize  from  the  favages,  that  had  lodged 
themfelves,  at  the  foot  of  the  faid  ifland,  or  fome  other  enemy. 
For  the  malediction  and  rage  of  many  chriftians  is  fuch,  that  one 
muft  take  heed  of  them  much  more  than  of  infidels.  When  thev 
had  need  of  water  or  wood,  they  were  conftrained  to  crofs  over  the 
river,  which  is  thrice  as  broad  of  every  fide  as  the  river  of 
jSeine." 

By 


D     E       M     O     N     T     S. 

forty   men.     The  (lores  which  had  been  de- 
poiited   at  St.  Croix   were  removed  acrofs  the 
bay,   but  the   buildings  were   left   ftanding. 
New  houfes  were  erected  at   the  mouth    of 
the  river,  which  runs  into  the  bafon   of  Port 
Royal  -3    there   the     ftores  and   people   were 
lodged  5  and  De  Monts  having  put  his    affairs 
in  as  good  order  as  poflible,  in  the   month    of 
September    embarked   for    France  ;    leaving 
Dupont  as  his  lieutenant,   with    Champlain, 
and  Champdore  to  per  feel;  the  fettlement,  and 
explore  the  country. 

During  the  next  winter  they  were  plentifully 
fupplied  by  the  favages  with  venifon,  and  a 
great  trade  was  carried  on  for  furs.  Nothing 
is  faid  of  the  fcurvy  ;  but  they  had  fhort  al 
lowance  of  bread  ;  not  by  reafon  of  any  fcarc- 
ity  of  corn  but  becaufe  they  had  no  other 
mill  to  grind  it  than  the  hand  mill,  which  re 
quired 

By  a  gentleman  who  refided  feveral  years  in  thofe  parts,  I  have 
been  informed,  that  an  ifland  which  anfwers  to  this  defcription, 
lies  in  the  eajlern  part  of  the  bay  of  PafTamaquoddy  ;  and  there  the 
river  St.  Croix  was  fuppofed  to  be,  by  the  commiflioners  who  ne 
gotiated  the  peace  in  1783,  who  had  MitchePs  map  before  them; 
but,  in  a  map  of  the  coaft  of  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia,  pub- 
lifhed  in  London,  1787,  by  Robert  Sayer,  and  faid  to  be  drawn 
by  Capt.  Holland,  the  river  St.  Croix  is  laid  down  at  the 
tutjltrn  part  of  the  bay  ;  the  breadth  of  which  is  about  fix  or  fevcn 
leagues. 


D     E       M     O     N     T     S.         331 

quired  hard  and  continual  labour.  The  fav- 
ages  were  fo  averfe  to  this  exercife,  that  they 
preferred  hunger  to  the  tafk  of  grinding  corn, 
though  they  were  offered  half  of  it  in  pay 
ment.  Six  men  only  died  in  the  courfe  of 
this  winter. 

In  the  fpring  of  1606,  Dupont  attempted 
to  find  what  De  Monts  had  miffed,  in  the 
preceding  year,  a  more  foutherly  fettlement. 
His  bark  was  twice  forced  back  with  adverfe 
winds  -,  and  the  third  time  was  driven  on 
rocks  and  bilged  at  the  mouth  of  the  port. 
The  men  and  flores  were  faved  ;  but  the  vef- 
fel  was  loft.  Thefe  fruitlefs  attempts  proved 
very  difcouraging  ;  but  Dupont  employed 
his  people,  in  building  a  bark  and  fhallop  ;  that 
they  might  employ  themfelves  in  vifiting  the 
ports,  whither  their  countrymen  refort  to  dry 
their  fifh,  till  new  fupplies  mould  arrive. 

De  Monts  and  Poutrincourt  were  at  that 
time  in  France,  preparing,  amidft  every  dif- 
couragement,  for  another  voyage.  On  the  thir 
teenth  of  May,  they  failed  from  Rochelle,  in 
a  fhip  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons  ;  and  on 
the  ayth  of  July  arrived  at  Port  Royal,  in 
the  abfence  of  Dupont,  who  had  left  two 
men  only  to  guard  the  fort.  In  a  few  days 

he 


332         D     E       M     O     N     T     S. 

he  arrived,  having  met  with  one  of  their  boats 
which  they  had  left  at  Canfeau,  and  great  was 
the  joy  on  both  fides  at  their  meeting, 

Poutrincourt  now  began  his  plantation  j 
and  having  cleared  a  fpot  of  ground,  within 
fifteen  days  he  fowed  European  corn  and  fev- 
eral  forts  of  garden  vegetables.  But  notwith- 
ilanding  all  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  Port 
Royal,  De  Monts  had  ftill  a  deiire  to  find  a 
better  place  at  the  fouthward.  He  therefore 
prevailed  on  Poutrincourt  to  make  an 
other  voyage  to  Cape  Malebarre ;  and  fo  earn- 
cft  was  he  to  have  this  matter  accomplifhed, 
that  he  would  not  wait  till  the  next  fpring, 
but  prepared  a  bark  to  go  to  the  the  fouth 
ward  as  foon  as  the  (hip  was  ready  to  fail. 

On  the  28th  of  Auguft,  the  fliip  and  the 
bark  both  failed  from  Port  Royal.  In  the 
{hip  De  Monts  and  Dupont  returned  to 
France ;  whilft  Poutrincourt,  Champlain, 
Champdore  and  others  crofTed  the  bay  to  St. 
Croix,  and  thence  failed  along  the  coaft ; 
touching  at  many  harbours  in  their  way  till 
they  arrived  in  fight  of  the  Cape,  the  object 
of  their  voyage.  Being  entangled  among  the 
fhoals,  their  rudder  was  broken  and  they  were 
obliged  to  come  to  anchor,  at  the  diftance  of 

three 


D    E      M    O     N    T    S.        333 

three  leagues  from  the  land.  The  boat  was 
then  fent  aihore  to  find  a  harbour  of  frefh 
water  ;  which  by  the  information  of  one  of 
the  natives  was  accomplished.  Fifteen  days 
were  fpent  in  this  place  ;  during  which  time^ 
a  crofs  was  erected,  and  pofTeflion  taken,  for 
the  King  of  France  ;  as  De  Monts  had  done 
two  years  before  at  Kenebeck.  When  the 
bark  was  repaired  and  ready  to  fail,  Poutrin- 
court  took  a  walk  into  the  country,  whilft  his 
people  were  baking  bread.  la  his  ab fence 
fome  of  the  natives  vifited  his  people  and  ftole 
a  hatchet.  Two  guns  wore  fired  at  them, 
and  they  fled.  In  his  return  he  faw  feveral 
parties  of  the  favages,  male  and  female,  carry 
ing  away  their  children  and  their  corn  j 
and  hiding  themfelves,  as  he  and  his  com 
pany  pafled.  He  was  alarmed  at  this 
jftrange  appearance  ;  but  much  more  fo, 
when  early  the  next  morning  a  mower  of  ar 
rows  came  flying  among  his  people,  two  of 
whom  were  killed  and  feveral  others  wounded. 
The  favages  having  taken  their  revenge,  fled  ; 
and  it  was  in  vain  to  purfue  them.  The 
dead  were  buried  at  the  foot  of  the  crofs  -,  and 
tvhilil  the  funeral  fervice  was  performing,  the 
favages  were  dancing  and  yelling  in  mock 

concert, 


334         D     E      M     O     N     T     S. 

concert,  at  a  convenient  diftance,  but  within 
hearing.  When  the  French  retired  on  board 
their  bark,  the  favages  took  down  the  crofs, 
dug  up  the  bodies  and  ftripped  them  of  their 
grave  clothes,  which  they  carried  off  in  tri 
umph. 

This  unhappy  quarrel  gave  Poutrincourt  a 
bad  idea  of  the  natives.  He  attempted  to 
pafs  farther  round  the  cape  ;  but  was  prevent 
ed  by  contrary  winds ;  and  forced  back  to  the 
fame  harbour,  where  the  favages  offering  to 
trade,  fix  or  feven  of  them  were  feized  and  put 
to  death. 

The  next  day  another  attempt  was  made  to 
fail  farther  ;  but  the  wind  came  againft  them. 
At  the  diftance  of  fix  or  feven  leagues  they 
difcovered  an  ifland ;  but  the  wind  would  not 
permit  them  to  approach  it ;  they  therefore 
gave  it  the  name  of  Douteufe,  or  Doubtful. 
This  was  probably  either  Nantucket  or  Ca- 
pawock,  now  called  Martha's  Vineyard  ;  and 
if  fo,  the  conteft  with  the  Indians  was  on  the 
fouth  more  of  Cape  Cod  ;  where  are  feveral 
harbours  and  ftreams  of  frem  water.  To  the 
harbour  where  he  lay,  he  gave  the  name  of 
Port  Fortune. 

It 


D    E      M    O     N    T    S.         335 

It  was  now  late  in  the  feafon  and  no  prof- 
pe£t  appeared  of  obtaining  any  better  place 
for  a  iettlement ;  befides,  he  had  two  wound 
ed  men  whofe  lives  were  in  danger.  He 
therefore  determined  to  return,  which  he  did 
by  the  morteft  and  mod  direct  courfe ;  and 
after  a  perilous  voyage,  in  which  the  rudder 
was  again  broken,  and  the  bark  narrowly  ef- 
caped  fhipwreck,  he  arrived  at  Port  Royal  on 
the  1 4th  of  November. 

The  manner  in  which  they  fpent  the  third 
winter  was  focial  and  feftive.  At  the  princi 
pal  table,  to  which  fifteen  perfons  belonged,  an 
order  was  eftablifhed,  by  the  name  of  L'ordre 
de  bon  temps.  Every  one  took  his  turn  to  be 
caterer  and  fteward,  for  one  day,  during  which 
he  wore  the  collar  of  the  order  and  a  napkin, 
and  carried  a  ftafF.  After  fupper  he  reiigned 
his  accoutrements,  with  the  ceremony  of 
drinking  a  cup  of  wine,  to  the  next  in  fuccef- 
fion.  The  advantage  of  this  inflitution  was, 
that  each  one  was  emulous  to  be  prepared  for 
his  day  -,  by  previoufly  hunting  or  fiming,  or 
purchafing  fifh  and  game  of  the  natives,  who 
conftantly  relided  among  them,  and  were  ex 
tremely  pleafed  with  their  manners. 

Four 


336         D     E      M     O     N     T     S, 

Four  only  died  in  this  winter  j  and  it  is  re 
marked  that  thefe  were  "  fluggim  and  fretful.5' 
The  winter  was  mild  and  fair.  On  a  Sunday 
in  the  middle  of  January,  after  divine  fervice, 
thsy  "  fported  and  had  mufic  on  the  river  ;" 
and  in  the  fame  month  they  went  two  leagues, 
to  fee  their  corn  field,  and  dined  cheerfully  in 
the  fun  (Line. 

At  the  firft  opening  of  the  fpring  (1607) 
they  began  to  prepare  gardens  -y  the  produce 
of  which  was  extremely  grateful  -y  as  were  al- 
fo  the  numberlefs  fifh  which  came  into  the 
river.  They  alfo  creeled  a  water  mill,  which 
not  only  faved  them  much  hard  labour,  at  the 
hand  mill ;  but  gave  them  more  time  for  rim 
ing.  The  fifh  which  they  took  were  called 
herrings  and  pilchards ;  of  which  they  pickled 
feveral  hogmeads  tQ  be  fent  home  to  France. 

In  April  they  began  to  build  two  barks,  in 
which  they  might  vifit  the  ports,  frequented 
by  the  fimermen,  and  learn  fome  news  from 
their  mother  country,  as  well  as  get  fupplies 
for  their  fubfiftence.  Having  no  pitch  to  pay 
the  feams,  they  were  obliged  to  cut  pine  trees 
and  burn  them  in  kilns,  by  which  means  they 
obtained  a  fufficiency. 

On 


D     E      M    O     N    T    S.        337 

On  Afcenfion  day,  a  veflel  arrived  from 
France,  deftined  to  bring  fupplies  ;  a  large 
mare  of  which,  the  crew  had  ungeneroully 
confumed  in  their  voyage.  The  letters 
brought  by  this  vefTel  informed  them  that  the 
company  of  Merchants,  aflbciated  with  De 
Monts,  was  encouraged  ;  and  that  their  (hip 
was  to  be  employed  in  the  fifhery  at  Canfeau. 
The  reafon  of  this  proceeding  was,  that  con 
trary  to  the  King's  edi£t,  the  Hollanders  had 
intruded  themfclves  into  the  fur  trade,  in  the 
river  of  Canada  ;  having  been  conducted  by  a 
treacherous  Frenchman  ;  in  confequence  of 
which,  the  King  had  revoked  the  exclufive 
privilege  which  he  had  given  to  De  Monts 
for  ten  years.  The  avarice  of  thefe  Holland 
ers  was  fo  great,  that  they  had  opened  the 
graves  of  the  dead,  and  taken  the  beaverfkins 
in  which  the  corpfes  had  been  buried.  This 
outrage  was  fo  highly  refented  by  the  favages 
at  Canfeau,  that  they  killed  the  perfon,  who 
had  mown  the  places  where  the  dead  were 
laid.  This  news  was  extremely  unwelcome,  as 
it  portended  the  deftruction  of  the  colony. 

Poutrincourt  however  was  fo  well  pleafed 
with  his  fituation,  that  he  determined  to  rc- 
,  X  turn 


338        p     E      M     O     N     T     S. 

turn  to  it,  though  none  but  his  own  family 
ihoiild  accompany  him*  He  was  very  defir- 
ous  to  fee  the  iflue  of  his  attempt  at  agricul 
ture,  and  therefore  detained  the  veffel,  as  long 
as  he  could  •  and  employed  his  bark  in  fmall 
voyages,  about  the  bay,  to  trade  for  furs,  and 
gather  fpecimens  of  iron  and  copper  to  be 
tranfported  to  France.  When  they  were  all 
ready  to  fail,  he  tarried  eleven  days  longer 
than  the  others,  that  he  might  carry  home 
the  firft  fruits  of  his  harveft.  Leaving  the 
buildings,  and  part  of  the  proviiion  with  the 
/landing  corn,  as  a  prefent  to  the  friendly  na 
tives,  he  finally  failed  from  Port  Royal,  on 
the  nth  of  Auguft,  and  joined  the  other  vef- 
fels  at  Canfeau  $  from  which  place,  they 
proceeded  to  France,  where  they  arrived  in 
the  latter  end  of  September. 

Specimens  of  the  wheat,  rye,  barley,  and 
oats  were  mown  to  the  King  ;  which,  with 
other  productions  of  the  country,  animal  and 
mineral,  were  fo  highly  acceptable,  that  he  re 
newed  and  confirmed  to  De  Monts  the  privi 
lege  of  trading  for  beavers  ;  that  he  might 
have  it  in  his  power  to  eftablifh  a  colony. 
In  confequence  of  which,  the  next  fpringfev- 
eral  families  were  fent  to  renew  the  plantation, 

whe 


D     E       M     O     N     T     S.         339 

who  found  that  the  favages  had  gathered  lev- 
en  barrels  of  the  corn  which  had  been  left 
flanding  ;  and  had  referved  one  for  their 
friends  whom  they  expected  to  return. 

The  revocation  of  the  exclufive  patent 
given  to  De  Monts,  was  founded  on  com 
plaints,  made  by  the  matters  of  fifhing  vefiels, 
that  the  branch  of  commerce  in  which  they 
were  engaged  would  be  ruined.  When  this 
patent  was  reftored,  it  was  limited  to  one 
year ;  and  on  this  condition,  that  he  mould 
make  an  eftablifhment  in  the  river  St.  Law 
rence.  De  Monts  therefore  quitted  his 
connexion  with  Acadia,  and  the  compa 
ny  of  Merchants,  with  whom  he  had  been 
connected,  fitted  out  two  mips  for  the 
port  of  Tadoufac,  in  1608.  The  fur  trade 
was  of  very  confiderable  value,  and  the  com 
pany  made  great  profits  ;  but  De  Monts  find 
ing  their  interefts  hurt  by  his  connexion  with 
them,  withdrew  from  the  aflbciation. 

Poutrincourt  refolving  to  profecute  his 
plantation  at  Port  Royal,  the  grant  of  which 
had  been  confirmed,  to  him  by  the  King, 
fent  Biencourt,  his  fon,  to  France,  (1608)  for 
a  fupply  of  men  and  provifions.  One  condition 
of  the  grant  was,  that  attempts  mould  be  made 
Xa  to 


34o        D     E       M     O     N     T     S. 

convert  the  natives  to  the  Catholic  faith,  it 
was  theVefore  neceffary  to  engage  the  afiiftance 
of  fome  ecclefiaftics.  The  firft  who  embrac 
ed  the  propofal  were  the  Jefuits,  by  whofe 
zealous  exertions  a  contribution  was  foon  made 
for  the  purpofe ;  and  two  of  their  order,  Biard 
and  Maffe,  embarked  for  the  new  plantation. 
It  was  not  long  before  a  controverfy  arofe  be 
tween  them  and  the  proprietor,  who  faid  "  it 
was  his  part  to  rule  them  them  on  earth,  and 
theirs  only  to  guide  him  to  heaven."*  After 
his  departure  for  France,  his  fon  Biencourt, 
difdaining  to  be  controled  by  thofe  whom  he 
had  invited  to  refide  with  him,  threatened 
them  with  corporal  punimment,  in  return  for 
their  fpiritual  anathemas.  It  became  necef- 
fary  then  that  they  mould  feparate.  The  Je 
fuits  removed  to  mount  Defart,  where  they 
planted  gardens  and  entered  on  the  bufmefs  of 
their  million,  which  they  continued  till  1613 
or  1614  ;  when  Sir  Samuel  Argal  from  Vir 
ginia  broke  up  the  French  fettlements  in 
Acadia.  In  the  encounter  one  of  thefe  Jefuits 
was  killed  and  the  other  was  made  prifoner. 
Of  the  other  Frenchmen,  fome  difperfed 
themfclves  in  the  woods  and  mixed  with  the 


*  Pupchasv.  1808. 


favages 


D     E      MONT 

favages  -,  fome  went  to  the  river  St.  Law 
rence  and  ftrengthened  the  fettlement  which 
Champlain  had  made  there  ;  and  others  re 
turned  to  France. 

Two  advantages    were   expected  to   refult 
from  eftablifhing  a   colony   in   the   river  St. 
Lawrence  :  One  was,  an  extenfion  of  the  fur 
trade,  and  another  was  the  hope  of  penetrating 
weftward,  though   the   lakes,    to  the   Pacific 
Ocean,  and   finding  a   nearer   communication 
with  China.     One  of  the  verlels  fent   by    the 
company  of  merchants,  in  1608,  to  that  river, 
was  commanded  by  Champlain.   In  his  form 
er  voyage  he  had  marked  the  ftrait  above   the 
Ifle  of  Orleans,  as  a  proper  fituationfora  fort ; 
becaufe  the  river  was  there   contracted  in  its 
breadth,  and  the  northern  more  was  high  and 
commanding.    He  arrived  there  in  the  begin 
ning  of  July,  and  immediately  began   to  clear 
the  woods,  to  build  houfes,  and  prepare  fields 
and  gardens.     Here  he  fpent  the  winter,  and 
nis  company  fufFered   much    by  the  fcurvy. 
The  remedy  which  Cartier  had  ufed,  was  not 
to  be  found,  or  the  favages  knew   nothing   of 
it.     It  is  fuppofed  that  the  former  inhabitants 
had  been  extirpated,  and  a   new  people   held 
pofleflion.* 

X  3  la 

*  Purchas  v,  1 642 . 


342         D     E       M     O     N     T     S. 

In  the  fpring  of  1 609,  Champlain,  with  two 
other  Frenchmen  and  a  party  of  the  natives, 
went  up  the  river  now  called  Sorel  and  enter 
ed  the  lakes,  which  lie  toward  the  fouth,  and 
communicate  with  the  country  of  the  Iroquois. 
To  the  largeft  of  thefe  lakes  Champlain  gave 
his  own  name,  which  it  has  ever  fince  retain 
ed.  On  the  more  of  another,  which  he  called 
Lake  Sacrament,  now  Lake  George,  they  were 
difcovered  by  a  company  of  the  Iroquois,  with 
whom  they  had  a  fkirmifh.  Champlain  killed 
two  of  them  with  his  mufquet.  The  fcalps 
of  fifty  were  taken  and  brought  to  Quebeck  in 
triumph. 

In  the  autumn,  Champlain  went  to 
France,  leaving  Capt  Pierre  to  command  $ 
and  in  1 61  o  he  returned  to  Quebeck,  to  perfecl: 
the  colony,  of  which  he  may  confidered  as 
the  founder. 

After  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  he  ob 
tained  of  the  Queen  Regent,  a  commif- 
fion  as  Lieutenant  of  New-France,  with  very 
cxtenfive  powers.  This  commiffion  was 
confirmed  by  Lewis  XIII 5  and  Champlain  was 
continued  in  the  Government  of  Canada. 

The 


D     E      M     O     N     T     S.         343 

The  religious  controverfies,  which  prevail 
ed  in  1'  ance,  augmented  the  number  of  colo- 
nifh.  A  fettlement  was  made  at  Trois  Rivieres, 
and  a  brifk  trade  was  carried  on  at  Tadoufac. 
In  1626,  Quebeck  began  to  affume  the  face 
ot  a  city,  and  the  fortrefs  was  -rebuilt  with 
ilone  -,  but  the  people  were  divided  in  their 
religious  principles  and  the  Hugonot  party 
prevailed. 

In  this  divided  ftate,  (1629)  the  colony 
was  attacked  by  an  armament  from  England 
under  the  condudt  of  Sir  David  Kirk.  He 
failed  up  the  river  St.  Lawrence  and  appeared 
before  Quebeck,  which  was  then  fo  miferably 
fupplied,  that  they  had  but  feven  ounces  of 
bread  to  a  man  for  a  day.  A  fquadron  from 
France,  with  provifion  for  their  relief,  entered 
the  river ;  but,  after  fome  refiftance,  were  tak 
en  by  the  Englim.  This  disappointment  in- 
creafed  the  diftrefs  of  the  colony  and  obliged 
Champlain  to  capitulate.  He  was  carried  to 
France  in  an  Englim  fhip  ;  and  there  found  the 
minds  of  the  people  divided,  with  regard  to 
Canada  ;  fome  thinking  it  not  worth  regain 
ing,  as  it  had  coil  the  government  vaft  fums, 
without  bringing  any  return  j  others  deeming 

the 
X4 


344        D     E      M     O     N     T     S. 

the  fimery  and  fur  trade  to  be  great  national 
obje&s,  cfpccially  as  they  proved  to  be  a  njur- 
fery  for  feamen.  Thefe  fentiments,  fupported 
by  the  folicitation  of  Champlain,  prevailed  j 
and  by  the  treaty  of  St.  Germain's,  in  1632, 
Canada,  Acadia  and  Cape  Breton  were  reftor- 
ed  to  France. 

The  next  year  Champlain  refumed  his  gov 
ernment,  and  the  company  of  New  France 
were  reflored  to  their  former  rights  and  pri 
vileges.  A  large  recruit  of  inhabitants,  with 
a  competent  fupply  of  Jefuits,  arrived  from 
France  3  and  with  fome  difficulty  a  million 
was  eftablifhed  among  the  Hurons  >  and  a  fem- 
inary  of  the  order  was  begun  at  Quebeck.  In 
the  rnidfl  of  this  profperity  Champlain  died, 
in  the  month  of  December,  1635  \  and  was 
fucceeded  the  next  year  by  De  Montmagny.^ 

Champlain  is  characterized  as  a  man  of 
good  fenfe,  itrong  penetration  and  upright 
views  ;  volatile,  active,  enterprising,  firm  and 
valiant.  He  aided  the  Hurons  in  their  wars 
with  the  Iroquois,  and  perfonally  engaged  in 
their  battles  ;  in  one  of  which  he  was  wound 
ed.  His  zeal  for  the  propagation  of  the 
Catholic  religion  was  fo  great  that  it  was  a 

common 


D    E      M    O    N    T    S.         345 

common  faying  with  him,  that  "  the  falvation 
of  one  foul  was  of  more  value  than  the  con- 
quefl  of  an  empire."* 

*  Charlevoix  Hift.  Nouvelle,  France,  Tom.  i,  p.  197,  410. 


XIV.  FERDINANDO 


XIV.    FERDINANDO     GORGES. 

AND 

JOHN     MASON. 

W  E  know  nothing  concerning  Gorges 
in  the  early  part  of  his  life.*  The  firft  ac 
count  we  have  of  him,  is  the  difcovery  which 
he  made  of  a  plot  which  the  earl  of  Eflex 
had  laid  to  overthrow  the  government  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  the  tragical  iflue  of  which 
is  too  well  known  to  be  here  repeated.  Gorges, 
who  had  been  privy  to  the  confpiracy  at  firft, 
communicated  his  knowledge  of  it  to  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  his  intimate  friend,  but  the 
enemy  and  rival  of  Effex.-f' 

There  was  not  only  an  intimacy  between 
Raleigh  and  Gorges,  but  a  fimilarity  in  their 
genius  and  employment  •>  both  were  formed 
for  intrigue  and  adventure  ;  both  were  inde 
fatigable  in  the  profecution  of  their  fanguine 
projects ;  and  both  were  naval  commanders. 

During  the  war  with  Spain,  which  occupi 
ed  the  lafl  years  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  Gorges, 
with  other  adventurous  fpirits,  found  full  em 
ployment 

*  In  Joflelyn's  voyage    he  is  called  "  Sir  F.  G.  of  Afliton 
Phillips,  in  Somerfet."     p.  197. 
•f  Hume. 


GORGES.  347 

ployment  in  the  navy  of  their  miftrefs. 
When  the  peace,  which  her  fucceflbr,  James  I, 
made  in  1 604,  put  an  end  to  their  hopes  of 
honor  and  fortune  by  military  enterprizes, 
Sir  Ferdinando  was  appointed  Governor  of 
Plymouth,  in  Devonihire.  This  circum- 
ftance,  by  which  the  fpirit  of  adventure  might 
feem  to  have  been  reprefled,  proved  the  occa- 
fion  of  its  breaking  out  with  .frefh  ardour, 
though  in  a  pacific  and  mercantile  form,  con 
nected  with  the  rage  for  foreign  difcoveries, 
which  after  fome  interruption,  had  again  feiz- 
ed  the  Englifh  nation. 

Lord  Arundel,  of  Wardour,  had  employed 
a  Captain  Weymouth  in  fearch  of  a  north- 
weft  palTage  to  India.  This  navigator  having 
miftaken  his  courfe,  fell  in  with  a  river  on  the 
coaft  of  America,  which,  by  his  deicription, 
muft  have  been  either  Kenebeck,  or  Penob- 
fcot.  From  thence  he  brought  to  England, 
five  of  the  natives,  and  arrived  in  the  month 
of  July,  1605,  in  the  harbour  of  Plymouth, 
where  Gorges  commanded,  who  immediately 
took  three  of  them  into  his  family.  Their 
names  were  Manida,  Sketwarroes  and  Taf- 
quantum  ;  they  were  all  of  one  language, 
though  not  of  the  fame  tribe.  This  accident 

proved 


348  GORGES. 

proved  the  occaiion,  under  God's  providence, 
of  preparing  the  way  for  a  more  perfect  dif- 
covery  than  had  yet  been  made  of  this  part  of 
North-America. 

Having  gained  the  affections  of  thefe  fava- 
ges  by  kind  treatment,  he  found  them  very 
docile  and  intelligent  ;  and  from  them  he 
learned  by  inquiry,  many  particulars  concern 
ing  their  country,  its  rivers,  harbours,  iflands, 
fifh  and  other  animals  j  the  numbers,  difpo- 
fition,  manners  and  cuftoms  of  the  natives  ; 
their  government,  alliances,  enemies,  force 
and  methods  of  war.  The  refult  of  thefe  in 
quiries  ferved  to  feed  a  fanguine  hope  of  in 
dulging  his  genius  and  advancing  his  for 
tune  by  a  more  thorough  difcovery  of  the 
country. 

His  chief  aiTociate  in  this  plan  of  difcovery, 
was  Sir  John  Popham,  Lord  Chief  Juftice  of 
the  King's  Bench,  who,  by  his  acquaintance 
with  divers  noblemen,  and  by  their  intereft  at 
court,  obtained  from  King  James  a  patent  for 
making  fettlements  in  America,  which  was 
now  divided  into  two  diftricfts,  and  called 
North  and  South  Virginia.  The  latter  of 
thefe  diftridts  was  put  under  the  care  of  cer 
tain  noblemen,  knights,  and  gentlemen,  who 

were 


GORGES.  349 

were  ftyled  the  London  Company  ;  the  former 
under  the  direction  of  others  in  Briftol,  Exe 
ter  and  Plymouth,  who  were  called  the  Ply 
mouth  Company,  becaufe  their  meetings  were 
ufually  held  there. 

By  the  joint  efforts  of  this  company,  of 
which  Popham  and  Gorges  were  two  of  the 
mod  enterprifing  members; a  fhip,  command 
ed  by  Henry  Chalong,-  was  fitted  out,  and 
failed  in  Auguft,  1606,  for  the  difcovery  of 
the  country,  from  which  the  favages  had  been 
brought,  and  two  of  them  were  put  on  board. 
The  orders  given  to  the  mailer,  were  to  keep 
in  as  high  a  latitude  as  Cape  Breton,  till  he 
fhould  difcover  the  main  land,  and  then  to 
range  the  coaft  fouthward,  till  he  fhould  find 
the  place  from  which  the  natives  had  been 
taken.  Inftead  of  obferving  thefe  orders,  the 
Captain  falling  fick  on  the  pafTage,  made  a 
fouthern  courfe,  and  firfl  arrived  at  the  ifland 
of  Porto  Rico,  where  he  tarried  fome  time 
for  the  recovery  of  his  health  ;  from  thence 
coming  northwardly,  he  fell  in  with  a  Span- 
ifh  fleet  from  the  Havannah,  by  whom  the 
fhip  was  leized  and  carried  to  Spain. 

Captain   Prynne,  in  another   fhip,   which 
failed  from  Briftol,  with  orders  to  find 


350  GORGES. 

long,  and  join  with  him  in  a  furvey  of  the 
coaft,  had  better  fuccefs  ;  for  though  he  fail 
ed  of  meeting  his  confort,  yet  he  carried  home 
a  particular  account  of  the  coafts,  rivers,  and 
harbours,  with  other  information  relative  to 
the  country,  which  made  fo  deep  an  impref- 
lion  on  the  minds  of  the  company,  as  to 
flrengthen  their  refolution  of  profecuting  their 
enterprize. 

It  was  determined  to  fend  over  a  large  num 
ber  of  people  fufficient  to  begin  a  colony.  For 
this  purpofe  George  Popham  was  appointed 
prefident  ;  Raleigh  Gilbert,  admiral  -y  Ed 
ward  Harlon,  mafter  of  ordnance  ;  Robert 
D<ivis,  ferjeant  major  ;  Elis  Beft,  marfhal  ; 
Mr.  Seaman,  fecretary  ;  James  Davis,  com 
mander  of  the  fort  -,  Gome  Carew,  fearcher. 
All  thefe  were  to  be  of  the  council  >  and  be- 
fides  thefe,  the  colony  confifted  of  100  men, 
who  were  fly  led  planters.  They  failed  from 
Plymouth  in  two  mips  (May  31,  1607)  and 
having  fallen  in  with  the  ifland  of  Monahigon 
(Augufl  ii,)  landed  at  the  mouth  of  Sagada- 
hock,  or  Kenebeck  river,  on  a  peninfula, 
where  they  erected  a  ftore  houfc,  and  having 
fortified  it  as  well  as  their  circumftances  would 
admit,  gave*  it  the  name  of  Fort  St.  George. 

By 


GORGES.  351 

By  means  of  two  natives,  whom  they 
brought  with  them  from  England,  viz.  Sket- 
warroes,  fent  by  Goiyes,  and  Dehamida,  by 
Popham,  they  found  a  cordial  welcome  among 
the  Indians,  their  fachems  offering  to  conduct 
and  introduce  them  to  the  Bamaba  or  great 
chief,  whofe  refidence  was  at  Penobfcot,  and 
to  whom,  it  was  expected,  that  all  Grangers 
fhould  make  their  addrefs.* 

The  Preiident  having  received  feveral  invi 
tations,  was  preparing  to  comply  with  their 
requeft,  and  had  advanced  fome  leagues  on 
his  way,  but  contrary  winds,  and  bad  weather, 
obliged  him  to  return,  to  the  great  grief  of 
the  fachems,  who  were  to  have  attended  him. 
The  Bamaba  hearing  of  the  difappointment, 
fent  his  fon  to  vifit  the  Prefident,  and  fettle 
a  trade  for  furs. 

The  mips  departed  for  England,  in  De 
cember,  leaving  behind  them  only  45  perfons 
of  the  new  colony.  The  feafon  was  too  far 

advanced 

*  The  Baftiaba  of  Penobfcot,  was  a  prince,  fuperior  in  rank 
to  the  fachems  of  the  feveral  Tribes.  All  the  fachems,  weftward, 
as  far  as  Naumkeeg  [Salem]  acknowledged  fubjeftion  to  him. 
Pie  is  frequently  mentioned  in  the  accounts  of  the  firft  voyages  to 
New-England  ;  but  was  killed  by  the  Tarrateens  in  1615,  be- 
fore  any  effectual  fettlementwas  made  in  the  country.  We  have 
no  account  of  any  other  Indian  chief  in  thefe  northern  parts  «f 
America,  whwfe  authority  was  fo  extenfive. 


352          GORGES. 

advanced  before  their  arrival  to  begin  planting 
for  that  year,  if  there  had  been  ground  prepar 
ed  for  tillage.  They  had  to  fubfift  on  the 
provifions  which  they  had  brought  from 
England,  and  the  fifli  and  game  which  the 
country  afforded.  The  feverity  of  an  Ame 
rican  winter  was  new  to  them  ;  and  though 
it  was  obferved,  that  the  fame  winter  was  un 
commonly  fevere  in  England,  yet  that  cir- 
cumflance  being  unknown,  could  not  allevi 
ate  their  diftrefs.  By  fome  accident,  their 
ftorc  houfe  took  fire,  and  was  con  fumed,  with 
the  greater  part  of  their  provifions,  in  the 
middle  of  the  winter ;  and  in  the  fpring 
(1608)  they  had  the  additional  misfortune  to 
lofe  their  Prefident,  Captain  Popham,  by 
death.  The  (hip,  which  their  friends  \n 
England  ~  had  by  their  united  exertions  fent 
over  with  fupplies,  arrived  a  few  days  after, 
with  the  melancholy  news  of  the  death  of 
Sir  John  Popham,  which  happened  while 
{he lay  waiting  fora  wind  at  Plymouth.  The 
command  of  the  colony  now  devolved  on 
Gilbert,  but  the  next  fhip  brought  an  ac 
count  of  the  death  of  his  brother  Sir  John 
Gilbert,  which  obliged  him  to  return  to  Eng 
land,  to  takd-  care  of  the  eftate  to  which  he 

fucceeded. 


GORGES. 

fucceeded.  Thefe  repeated  misfortunes  and 
difappointments,  operating  with  the  difguft 
which  the  new  colonifts  had  taken  to  the 
climate  and  foil,  determined  them  to  quit  the 
place.  Accordingly,  having  embarked  with 
their  Prefident,  they  returned  to  England, 
carrying  with  them,  as  the  fruit  of  their  la 
bour,  a  fmall  veflel,  which  they  had  built 
during  their  refidence  here,  and  thus  the  firft 
colony,  which  was  attempted  in  New  Eng 
land,  began  and  ended  in  one  year. 

The  country  was  now  branded  as  intolera 
bly  cold,  and  the  body  of  the  adventurers  re- 
linqu ilhed  the  defign.  Sir  Francis  Popham, 
indeed,  employed  a  fhip  for  fome  fucceeding 
years  in  the  filhing  and  fur  trade ;  but  he,  at 
length,  became  content  with  his  lofles,  and 
none  of  this  company  but  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  had  the  refolution  to  furmount  all 
difcouragements.  Though  he  fincerely  lament 
ed  thelofs  of  his  worthy  friend,  the  Chief  Juf- 
tice>  who  had  zealoufly  joined  with  him,  in 
thefe  hitherto  fruitlefs,  but  expenfive  labours, 
yet,  "as  to  the  coldnefs  of  the  clime  (he  fays) 
he  had  too  much  experience  in  the  world,  to 
be  frighted  with  fuch  a  blaft,  as  knowing 
many  great  kingdoms  and  large  territories 
Y  more 


•34  GORGES. 

more  northerly  feated,  and  by  many  degrees 
colder,  were  plentifully  inhabited,  and  divers 
of  them  ftored  with  no  better  commodities 
than  thefe  parts  afford,  if  like  induftry,  art 
and  labour,  be  ufed." 

Such  perfevering  ardor  in  the  face  of  fo  ma 
ny  difcouragements,  muft  be  allowed  to  dif- 
cover  a  mind  formed  for  enterprize,  and  fully 
perfuaded  of  the  practicability  of  the  under 
taking. 

When  he  found  that  he  could  not  be  fec- 
onded  in  his  attempts  for  a  thorough  difcov- 
ery  of  the  country,  by  others,  he  determined 
to  carry  it  on  by  himfelf  j  and  for  this  pur- 
pofe  he  purchafed  a  mip,  and  engaged  with  a 
mailer  and  crew  to  go  to  the  coafl  of  New 
England  for  the  purpofe  of  fiming  and  traffic, 
the  only  inducement  which  feafaring  people 
could  have  to  undertake  fuch  a  voyage.  On 
board  this  (hip  he  put  RICHARD  VINES,  and 
feveral  others  of  his  own  fervants  in  whom  he 
placed  the  fulleft  confidence  and  whom  he 
hired  at  a  great  expenfe  to  flay  in  the  country, 
over  the  winter,  and  purfue  the  difcovery  of 
it.  Thefe  perfons  having  left  the  fhip's  com 
pany  to  follow  their  ufual  occupation  on  the 
coaft,  travelled  into  the  land,  and  meeting 

with 


GORGES.  355 

with  the  favages,  who  had  before  returned  to 
America,  by  their  affiftance  became  acquainted 
with  fuch  particulars  as  Gorges  wimed  to 
know. 

Mr.  Vines  and  his  companions  were  received 
by  the  Indians  with  great  hofpitality,  though 
their  reiidence  among  them  was  rendered  haz 
ardous  -,  both  by  a  war  which  raged  among 
them,  and  by  a  peftilence  which  accompanied 
or  fucceeded  it. 

This  war  and  peftilence  are  frequently 
fpoken  of  by  the  hiftorians  of  New  England* 
as  remarkable  events,  in  the  courfe  of  Provi 
dence,  which  prepared  the  way  for  the  eftab- 
lifliment  of  an  European  colony.  Concern 
ing  the  war,  we  know  nothing  more  than 
this  ;  that  it  was  begun  by  the  Tarratenes,  a 
nation  who  refided  eaftward  of  Penobfcot. 
Thefe  formidable  people  furprized  the  Bama- 
ba,  or  chief  fachem,  at  his  head  quarters,  and 
deftroyed  him  with  all  his  family  ;  upon 
which  all  the  other  fachems  who  were  fubor- 
dinate  to  him,  quarrelled  among  themfelves 
for  the  fovereignty  :  and  in  thefe  difTenfions 
many  of  them  as  well  as  of  their  unhappy 
people  perimed.  Of  what  particular  kind  the 
Y  2  peftilence 


356  G     O    'R    G     E     S. 

peftilence  was,  we  have  no  certain*  informa 
tion  ;  but  it  feems  to  have  been  a  diforder  pe 
culiar  to  tjie  Indians,  for  Mr.  Vines,  and  his 
companions,  who  were  intimately  converfant 
with  them,  and  frequently  lodged  in  their 
wigwams,  were  not  in  the  lead  degree  affect 
ed  by  it,  though  it  fwept  off  the  Indians  at 
iuch  a  prodigious  rate,  that  the  living  were 
not  able  to  bury  the  dead,  and  their  bones 
were  found  feveral  years  after,  lying  about  the 
villages  where  they  had  refided.  The  extent 
of  this  peftilence  was  between  Penobfcot  in 
the  eaft,  and  Narraganfet  in  the  weft.  Thefc 
two  tribes  efcaped,whilft  the  intermediate  peo 
ple  were  wafted  and  deftroyed. 

The  information  which  Vines  obtained  for 
Sir  Ferdinando,  though  fatisfactory,  in  one 
view,  produced  no  real  advantage  proportion 
ate  to  the  expenfe.  Whilft  he  was  deliberat 
ing  by  what  means  he  fhould  farther  profe- 
cute  his  plan  of  colonization,  Capt.  Henry 
Harky,  who  had  been  one  of  the  unfortunate 
adventurers  to  Sagadahock,  came  to  him, 

bringing 

*  Mr.  Gookin  fays,  that  he  "had  difcourfed  with  feme  old 
Indians  who  were  then  youths,  who  told  him,  that  the  bodies  of 
the  ficlc  wer-  exceeding  yellow,  (which  they  defcribed  by 

pointing  to  garment)   both  before  they  died  and  after 

ward.'*     S».  .s  of  Hiftorical  Society  for  1792.   p.  148. 


GORGES.  357 

bringing  a  native  of  the   Ifland   Capawock, 
now  called  Martha's  Vineyard,  who  had  been 
treacheroufly  taken   from  his  own  country  by 
one  of  the  timing  fhips  and  fhown  in  London 
as   a   fight.       Gorges    received    this    favage, 
whofe   name  was   Epenow,  with  great  plea- 
fare  :  and  about  the  fame  time  recovered  Af- 
facumet,  one  of  thofe  who  had  been  fent  in 
the  unfortunate   veyage  of  Captain  Chalong. 
Thefe  two  Indians  at  firft,  fcarcely  underflood 
each  other  ;  but,  when  they  had  grown  better 
acquainted,  AfTacumet  informed  his  old  matter 
of  what  he    had  learned  from  Epenow  con 
cerning  his  country.     This  artful  fellow  had 
invented  a  flory  of  a  mine  of  gold  in  his  native 
ifland  which   he  fuppofed  would  induce  fome 
adventurer  to  employ  him  as  a  pilot,  by  which 
means  he  hoped  to  get  home,  and  he  was  not 
difappointed  in  his  expectation. 

Gorges  had  engaged  the  Earl  of  Southamp 
ton,  then  commander  of  the  Ifle  of  Wight, 
to  advance  one  hundred  pounds,  and  Capt, 
Hobfbn  another  hundred,  and  alfo  to  go  on 
the  difcovery.  With  this  affiftance,  Harley 
failed  in  June  1614,  carrying  v/ith  him  feveral 
land  foldiers  and  the  two  before  mentioned 
Indian^  with  a  third  named  Wanape,  who 
Y  3  had 


358  GORGES. 

had  been  fent  to  Gorges  from  the  Ifle  of 
Wight.  On  the  arrival  of  the  fhip,  fhe  was 
foon  piloted  to  the  ifland  of  Capawock,  and 
to  the  harbour  where  Epenow  was  to  perform 
his  promife.  The  principal  inhabitants  of 
the  place,with  fome  of  his  own  kinfmen,came 
on  board,  with  whom  he  held  a  conference 
and  contrived  his  efcape.  They  departed, 
promifing  to  return  the  next  day  with  furs  for 
traffick.  Epenow  had  pretended  that  if  it 
were  known,  that  he  had  difcovered  the  fe- 
crets  of  his  country,  his  life  would  be  in 
danger,  but  the  company  were  careful  to 
watch  him  -,  and  to  prevent  his  efcape,  had 
dreffed  him  in  long  clothes,  which  could  eafi- 
ly  be  laid  hold  of,  if  there  fhould  be  occafion, 
His  friends  appeared  the  next  morning  in 
twenty  canoes,  and  lying  at  a  diftance,  the 
Captain  called  to  them  to  come  on  board, 
which  they  declining,  Epenow  was  ordered 
to  renew  the  invitation.  He,  mounting  the 
forecaftle,  hailed  them  as  he  was  directed,  and 
at  the  fame  inflant,  though  one  held  him  by 
the  coat,  yet  being  ftrong  and  heavy,  he  jump 
ed  into  the  water.  His  countrymen  then  ad 
vanced  to  receive  him,  and  fent  a  mower  of 
arrpws  into  the  Jthip,  which  fo  difcgncerted 

the 


GORGES.  359 

the  crew,  that  the  prifoner  completely  effedl- 
ed  his  efcape.  Thus  the  golden  dream  van- 
imed,  and  the  fhip  returned  without  having 
performed  any  fervices  adequate  to  the  ex- 
penfe  of  her  equipment. 

The  Plymouth  company  were  much  dif- 
couraged  by  the  ill  fuccefs  of  this  adventure ; 
but  the  fpirit  of  emulation  between  them  and 
the  London  company  proved  very  ferviceable 
to  the  caufe  in  which  they  were  jointly  en 
gaged.  For  thefe  having  fent  our  four  mips 
under  the  command  of  Michael  Cooper,  to 
South  Virginia,  [January,  1615]  and  Captain 
John  Smith,  who  had  been  employed  by  that 
company,  having  returned  to  England,  and 
engaged  with  the  company  at  Plymouth,  their 
hopes  revived.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  in 
concert  with  Dr.  SutlifTe,  Dean  of  Exeter, 
and  feveral  others,  equipped  two  veflels,  one  of 
two  hundred,  the  other  of  50  tons,  on  board 
of  which  (befides  the  compliment  of  feamen) 
were  fixteen  men  who  were  deftined  to  begin 
a  colony  in  New  England.  [March,  1615] 
When  they  had  failed  one  hundred  and  twen 
ty  leagues,  the  large  {hip  loft  her  mafts,  and 
fprung  a  leak ;  which  obliged  them  to  put 
back  under  jury  mafts  to  Plymouth.  From 
Y  4  thence 


360  GORGES. 

thence  Smith  failed  again  [June  24]  in  a 
bark  of  fixty  tons,  carrying  the  fame  fixteen 
men;  but  on  this  fecond  voyage,  was  taken  by 
four  French  men  of  war,  and  carried  to 
France.  The  velfel  of  fifty  tons,  which  had 
been  feparated  from  him,  purfued  her  voyage, 
and  returned  in  fafety ;  but  the  main  defign 
of  the  voyage,  which  was  toeffeft  a  fettlement, 
was  frustrated. 

The  fame  year  (October)  Sir  Richard  Haw 
kins,  by  authority  of  the  Plymouth  company, 
of  which  he  was  Prefident  for  that  year,  vifit- 
ed  the  coalt  of  New  England,  to  try  what 
fervices  he  could  do  them  in  iearching  the 
country,  and  its  commodities  j  but  on  his  ar 
rival,  finding  the  natives  engaged  in  war,  he 
pafled  along  the  coafl  to  Virginia,  and  from 
thence  returned  to  England,  by  the  way  of 
Spain,  where  he  difpofed  of  the  fifh,  which/ 
he  had  taken  in  the  voyage. 

After  this,  fhips  were  fent  every  feafon  by 
the  London  and  Plymouth  Companies  on 
voyages  of  profit ;  their  fifh  and  furs  came  to 
a  good  market  in  Europe,  but  all  the  attempts 
which  were  made  to  colonize  North  Virginia, 
by  fome  unforefeen  accidents  failed  of  fuccefs. 
Gorges,  however,  had  his  mind  ftill  invariably 

bent 


GORGES.  36i 

bent  on  his  original  plan,  and  every  incident 
which  ieemed  to  favour  his  views,  was  eager 
ly  improved  for  that  purpofe.  Being  poffeff- 
cd  of  the  journals  and  letters  of  the  feveral 
voyagers,  and  of  all  the  information  which 
could  he  had,  and  being  always  at  hand,  to 
attend  the  meetings  of  the  Company,  he  con 
trived  to  keep  alive  their  hopes,  and  was  the 
prime  mover  in  all  their  tranfactions. 

About  this  time  Captain  Thomas  Dermer, 
who  had  been  employed  in  the  American 
fifhery,  and  had  entered  fully  into  the  fame 
views  ;  offered  his  fervice  to  aflift  in  profecut- 
ing  the  difcovery  of  the  country.  He  was 
at  Newfoundland,  and  Gorges  prevailed  on 
the  company,  to  fend  Captain  Edward  Ro 
craft,  in  a  {hip,  to  New  England,  with  ord 
ers  to  wait  there  till  he  mould  be  joined  by 
Dermer.  Rocraft,  on  his  arrival,  met  with  a 
French  interloper,  which  he  feized,  and  then 
failed  with  his  prize  to  South  Virginia.  In 
the  mean  time  Dermer  went  to  England,  and 
having  conferred  with  Gorges  and  the  com 
pany,  on  the  intended  difcovery,  went  out  in 
a  fhip,  which  Gorges  himfelf  owned ;  hoping 
to  meet  with  Rocraft,  but  was  much  perplex- 
$d  at  not  finding  him. 

Having 


362  GORGES. 

Having  ranged  and  examined  evecy  part  of 
the  coaft,  and  made  many  ufeful  obfervations, 
which  he  tranfmitted  to  Gorges,  he  maped 
his  courfe  for  Virginia,*  where  Rocraft  had 
been  killed  in  a  quarrel,  and  his  bark  funk. 
Dermer  being  thus  difappointed  of  his  con- 
fort,  and  of  his  expected  fupplies,  returned  to 
the  northward,  At  the  ifland  of  Capawock, 
he  met  with  Epenow,  who  knowing  him 
to  be  employed  by  Gorges,  and  fufpecting 
that  his  errand  was  to  bring  him  back  to 
England,  confpired  with  his  countrymen,  to 
feize  him  and  his  companions,  feveral  of 
whom  were  killed  in  the  fray  :  Dermer  de 
fended  himfelf  with  his  fword,  and  efcaped, 
though  not  without  fourteen  wounds,  which 
obliged  him  to  go  again  to  Virginia,  where  he 
died.  The  lofs  of  this  worthy  man,  was  the 
moft  difcouraging  circumftance  which  Gorges 
had  met  with,  and  as  he  himfelf  exprefTes  it, 
"  made  him  almoft  refolve  never  to  intermed 
dle  again  in  any  of  thefe  courfes."  But  he  had 
in  facl:  fo  deeply  engaged  in  them,  and  had  fo 
many  perfons  engaged  with  him,  that  he 
could  not  retreat  with  honour,  whilft  any 

hope 

*  It  is  faid  that  he  was  the  firft  who  pafled  the  whole  extent  of 
Long  Ifland  Sound,  and  difcovered  that  it  was  not  conneftcd  with 
the  continent.  This  was  in  1619. 


GORGES.  363 

hope  of  fuccefs  remained.  Soon  after  this,  a 
profpect  began  to  open  from  a  quarter,  where 
it  was  leaft  expected. 

The  patent  of  1606,  which  divided  Virgin 
ia  into  two  colonies,  exprefsly  provided  that 
neither  company  mould  begin  any  plantation 
within  one  hundred  miles  of  the  other.  By 
this  interdiction  the  middle  region  of  North 
America  was  neglected,  and  a  bait  was  laid  to 
attract  the  attention  of  foreigners. 

The  adventurers  to  South  Virginia  had  pro 
hibited  all  who  were  not  free  of  their  compa 
ny  from  planting  or  trading  within  their  lim 
its  5  the  northern  company  had  made  no  fuch 
regulation ;  by  this  means  it  happened  that 
the  South  Virginia  Ihips  could  fifh  on  the 
northern  coaft,  whilft  the  other  company 
were  excluded  from  all  privileges  in  the  fouth- 
ern  parts.  The  South  Virginians  had  alfo 
made  other  regulations  in  the  management  of 
their  bufmefs,  which  the  northern  company 
were  deiirous  to  intimate.  They  thought  the 
moft  effectual  way  to  do  this,  was  to  procure 
an  exclusive  patent.  With  this  view,  Gorges, 
ever  active  to  promote  the  intereft  which  he 
had  efpoufed,  folicited  of  the  crown  a  new 
charter,  whichaby  the  intereft  of  his  friends  in 

court, 


364  GORGES, 

court,  was  after  Ibme  delay  obtained.  By 
this  inftrument  forty  noblemen,  knights  and 
gentlemen,  were  incorporated  by  the  ftyle  of 
"  the  council  eftablifhed  at  Plymouth,  in  the 
county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling  and 
governing  of  New  England  in  America."  The 
date  of  the  charter  was  November  3,  1620. 
The  territory  fubjecl  to  their  jurifdiftion  was 
from  the  /foth  to  the  48th  degree  of  north 
latitude,  and  from  fea  to  fea.  This  charter  is 
the  foundation  of  all  the  grants  which  were 
made  of  the  country  of  New  England. 

Before  this  divifion  was  made,  a  number  of 
families,  who   were  fly  led    Puritans,   on   ac 
count  of  their  feeking  a  farther  reformation  of 
the  Church  of  England,   which  they   could 
not  obtain,  and  who  had  retired  into   Holland 
to  avoid  the  fe  verity  of  the  penal  laws   again  ft 
diflenters,   meditated  a  removal   to   America. 
The  Dutch  were  fond  of  retaining  them    as 
their  fubje&s,  and  made  them  large  offers,  if 
they  would  fettle  in  fome  of  their  tranfmarine 
territories  ;  but  they  chofe  rather  to  relide   in 
the  dominions  of  their   native  prince,   if  they 
could  have  liberty  of  confcience.     They  had, 
by   their  agents,    negociated   with  the   South 
Virginia  company,  and  obtained  a  permifliori 

to 


GORGES.  365 

to  tranfport  themfelves  to  America  within 
their  limits  j  but  as  to  the  liberty  of  con- 
fcience,  though  they  could  obtain  no  indul 
gence  from  the  crown  under  hand  and  feal, 
yet  it  was  declared,  that  "  the  King  would 
-connive  at  them,  provided  they  behaved 
peaceably."  As  this  was  all  the  favour  which 
the  fpirit  of  the  times  would  allow,  they  de 
termined  to  caft  themfelves  on  the  care  of 
Divine  Providence  and  venture  to  America. 
After  fevcral  difafters,  they  arrived  at  Cape 
Cod  in  the  42d  degree  of  north  latitude, a  place 
remote  from  the  object  of  their  intention, 
which  was  Hudfon's  river.  The  Dutch  had 
their  eye  on  that  place  and  bribed  their  pilot 
riot  to  carry  them  thither.  It  was  late  in  the 
feafon  when  they  arrived  ;  their  permillion 
from  the  Virginia  company  was  of  no  ufe 
here  j  and  having  neither  authority  nor  form 
of  government,  they  were  obliged  for  the  fake 
of  order,  before  they  difembarked,  to  form 
themfelves  into  a  body  politic,  by  a  written 
instrument.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the 
colony  of  New- Ply  mouth  ;  and  this  event 
happened  (Nov.  n,  1620)  a  few  days  after 
King  James  had  figned  the  patent  for  incor 
porating  the  council,  Thefe  circumftances 

ferved 


366  GORGES. 

ierved  the  intereft  of  both,  though  then 
wholly  unknown  to  each  other.  The  coun 
cil,  being  informed  of  the  eftablimment  of  a 
colony  within  their  limits,  were  fond  of  tak 
ing  them  into  their  protection,  and  the  colony 
were  equally  defirous  of  receiving  that  pro 
tection  as  far  as  to  obtain  a  grant  of  territory. 
An  agent  being  difpatched  by  the  colony  to 
England,  Sir  F.  Gorges  interefted  himfelf  in 
the  affair,  and  a  grant  was  accordingly  made 
(1623)  to  John  Peirce,in  truft  for  the  colony. 
This  was  their  firft  patent  ;  they  afterwards 
(1629)  had  another  made  to  William  Bradford 
and  his  aflbciates. 

One  end  which  the  council  had  in  view, 
xvas,  to  prevent  the  accefs  of  unauthorized  ad 
venturers  to  the  coaft  of  New-England.  The 
crews  of  their  mips,  in  their  intercourfe  with 
the  natives,  being  far  from  any  eftablifhed 
government,  were  guilty  of  great  licentiouf- 
nefs.  Befides  drunkennefs,  and  debauchery, 
fome  flagrant  enormities  had  been  committed, 
which  not  only  injured  the  reputation  of  Eu 
ropeans,  but  encouraged  the  natives  to  acts  of 
hoftility.  To  remedy  theie  evils,  the  coun 
cil  thought  proper  to  appoint  an  officer  to  ex- 
crciie  government  on  the  coaft.  The  firft 

perfon 


GORGES.  367 

perfon  who  was   fent  in  this  character,  was 
Capt.  Francis  Weft  -,  who  finding  the  fifher- 
men  too  licentious  and  robuft  to  be  control- 
*  ed  by  him,  foon  gave  up  this  ineffectual  com 
mand.     They  next  appointed   Capt.   Robert 
Gorges,  a  fon  of  Sir   Ferdinando.     He  was 
like  his  father,  of  an  a&ive  and  enterprizing 
genius,  and  had  newly  returned  from  the  Ve 
netian   war.     He  obtained  of   the  council  a 
patent  for  a  trac~l  of  land  on  the  northeaftern 
tide  of  Maffachufetts    Bay,  containing  thirty 
miles  in  length  and  ten  in  breadth,  and  by  the 
influence  of  his   father,   and  of  his  kinfman 
Lord  Edward  Gorges,  he  was  difpatched  with 
a  commiffion  to  be   "Lieutenant  General  and 
Governour  of  New  England"  They  appointed 
for  his  council  the  aforefaid  Weft,  with  Chrif- 
topher  Levet,  and  the  Governour  of  New  Ply 
mouth  for   the  time  being.     Gorges  came  to 
Plymouth  in  1623,  publifhed  his  commiflion, 
and   made   fome  efforts  to   execute  it.     He 
brought  over  with  him  as  a  Chaplain,  Willi 
am  Morrell,  an  Epifcopal  clergyman.     This 
was  the  firft  effay  for  the  eftablifhment  of  a 
General  Government   in  New   England,    and 
Morrel  was  to  have  a  fuperintendence  in  ec- 
clefiaftical,  as  Gorges  had  in  civil  affairs  -y  but 

he 


368  GORGES. 

fre  made  no  ufe  of  his  commifiion  at  Ply 
mouth  ;  and  only  mentioned  it  in  his  conver- 
fation  about  the  time  of  his  departure.*  This 
general  government  was  a  darling  object  with 
the  council  of  Plymouth,  but  was  much 
Dreaded  by  the  planters  of  New  England  j 
however,  all  the  attempts  which  were  made  to 
carry  it  into  execution  failed  of  fuccefs.  Gor 
ges,  after  about  a  year's  relidence  in  the 
country,  and  holding  one  court  at  Ply 
mouth,  upon  a  Mr.  Wefton,  who  had  be 
gun  a  plantation  at  WeflagufTet,  [Wey- 
mouth]  where  Gorges  himfelf  intended 
a  icttlement,  was  recalled  to  England,  the 

fupplies 

*  This  Morrefl  appears  to  have  been  a  diligent  inquirer  into 
th«  ftate  and  circumflances  of  the  country,  its  natural  production* 
and  advantages,  the  manners,  cuftoms,  and  government  of  the 
pntives  ;  the  refult  of  his  obfervations  he  wrought  into  a  poem 
which  he  printed  both  in  Latin  and  Englifli.  The  Latin  is  by  no 
means  deftitute  of  .claflical  merit,  of  which  the  following  line* 
may  ferve  as  an  evidence. 

"  Eft  locus  occiduo  procul  hinc  fpatiofus  in  orbe 
Plunma  regna  tenens,  populifque  incognitus  ipfis  : 
Felix  fnigiferis  fulcis,  fimul   fcquore  felix, 
Pracdia  perdives  variis,  &  fluminc  dives, 
Axe  fatis  cahdus,  rigidoquca  frigore  tutus." 
Thedefcripticnitfelf  is  jufl  and  animated,  and   the    Engiifli 
trsnffation(corrTideringthe  date  of  it)    is  very    tolerable.      It  is 
printed  in  the    collections   of  the  Hiftorical  Society,   far 
125. 


GORGES.  369 

f applies  which  he  expelled  to  have  received 
having  failed.  This  failure  was  owing  to  one 
of  thofe  crofs  accidents  which  continually  be- 
fel  the  Council  of  Plymouth.  -  Though  the 
erection  of  this  board  was  really  beneficial  to 
the  nation,  and  gave  a  proper  direction  to  the 
fpirit  of  colonizing,  yet  they  had  to  ftruggle 
with  the  oppofing  interefrs  of  various  forts  of 
perfons. 

The  company  of  South  Virginia,  and  in 
deed  the  mercantile  intereft  in  general,  find 
ing  themfelves  excluded  from  the  privilege  of 
fifhing  and  traffic,  complained  of  this  inftitu- 
tion  as  a  monopoly.  The  commons  of  Eng 
land  were  growing  jealous  of  the  royal  pre 
rogative  ;  and  wifhing  to  reftrain  it ;  the  grant 
ing  charters  of  incorporation  with  exclufive 
advantages  of  commerce  was  deemed  a  ufur- 
pation  on  the  rights  of  the  people.  Com 
plaints  were  firfl  made  to  the  King  in  coun 
cil  ;  but  no  difpofition  appeared  there  to 
countenance  them.  It  happened  however,  that 
a  parliament  was  called  for  fome  other  purpo- 
fes  (February  1624)  m  which  Sir  Edward 
Cook  was  chofen  fpeaker  of  the  commons. 
He  was  well  known  as  an  advocate  for  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  and  an  enemy  to  pro- 
Z  jectors. 


370  G     O    R    -G    E     S. 

» 

jeclors.  The  King  was  at  firft  in  a  good  hu 
mour  with  his  parliament,  and  advantage  was 
taken  of  a  demand  for  fubfidies  to  bring  in  a 
bill  againft  monopolies. 

The  houle  being  refolved  into  a  committee, 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  called  to  the  bar, 
where  the  fpeaker  informed  him,  that  the 
patent  granted  to  the  council  of  Plymouth  was 
complained  of  as  a  grievance  ;  that  under 
colour  of  planting  a  colony,  they  were  purfu-» 
ing  private  gains  :  that  though  they  refpect- 
ed  him  as  a  perfon  of  worth  and  honour,  yet 
the  public  intereft  was  to  be  regarded  before  all 
perfonal  confiderations  ;  and  therefore  they  re 
quired  that  the  patent  be  delivered  to  the  houfe. 
Gorges  anfwered,  that  he  was  but  one  of  the 
company,  inferior  in  rank  and  abilities,  to 
many  others  -y  that  he  had  no  power  to  de 
liver  it,  without  their  confent,  neither  in  fad, 
was  it  in  his  cuftody.  Being  afked  where 
it  was,  he  faid,  it  was  for  aught  he  knew,  ftill 
remaining  in  the  crown-office,  where  it  had 
been  left  for  the  amendment  of  forne  errors. 
As  to  the  general  charge  he  anfwered  ;  that 
he  knew  not  how  it  could  be  a  public  gr/Vi;- 
ancc  •  fince  it  had  been  undertaken  for  the 
Advancement  of  religion,  the  enlargement  of 

the 


GORGES.  371 

the  bounds  of  the  nation,  the  increafe  of  trade, 
and  the  employment  of  many  thoufands  of 
people ;  that  it  could  not  be  a  monopoly  -,  for 
though  a  few  only  were  interefted  in  the  bu- 
finefs,  it  was  becaufc  many  could  not  be  in 
duced  to  adventure  where  their  lofles  at  firft 
were  fure,  and  their  gains  uncertain  ;  and, 
indeed,  fo  much  lofs  had  been  fuftained  that 
•moft  of  the  adventurers  themfelves  were 
wtary  ;  that  as  to  the  profit  arifing  from 
the  fifhery  it  was  never  intended  to  be  con 
verted  to  private  ufe,  as  might  appear  by  the 
offers  which  they  had  made  to  all  the  maritime 
cities  in  the  Weft  of  England  ;  that  the  grant 
of  exclufive  privileges  made  by  the  crown, 
was  intended  to  regulate  and  fettle  plantations, 
by  the  profits  arifing  from  the  trade,  and 
was  in  efTecl:  no  more  than  many  gentlemen 
and  lords  of  manors  in  England  enjoyed 
without  offence.  He  added,  that  he  was 
glad  of  an  opportunity  for  fuch  a  parliamen 
tary  inquiry,  and  if  they  would  take  upon 
themfelves  the  bufinefs  of  colonization,  he 
and  his  affociates  would  be  their  humble  fer- 
vants  as  far  as  lay  in  their  power,  without  ajiy 
retrofpect  to  the  vaft  expenfe  which  they  had 
already  incurred  in  difcovering  and  taking  pof-« 


372  GORGE     S. 

ieliion  of  the  country,  and  bringing  matters  to 
their  then  prefent  fituation.  He  alib  defired, 
that  if  any  thing  further  was  to  be  inquired 
into,  it  might  be  given  him  in  detail  -,  with 
liberty  of  anfwering  by  his  council. 

A  committee  was  appointed  to  examine  the 
patent  and  make  objections  -y  which  were  deli- 
vered  to  Gorges ;  accompanied  with  a  decla 
ration  from  the  fpeaker  that  he  ought  to  look 
upon  this  as  a  favour.  Gorges  having  acknow 
ledged  the  favour,  employed  council  to  draw 
up  anfwers  to  the  objections.  His  council 
were  Mr.  (afterwards  Lord)  Finch,  and  Mr. 
Caltrup,  afterwards  attorney  general  to  the 
court  of  wards.  Though  in  caufes  where  the 
crown  and  parliament  are  concerned  as  parties, 
council  are  often  afraid  of  wading  deeper  than 
they  can  fafely  return  ;  yet  Gorges  was  fatisfied 
with  the  conduit  of  his  council,  who  fully 
anfwered  the  objections,  both  in  point  of  Law 
and  Jujiice  ;  thefe  anfwers  being  read,  the 
houfe  afked  what  further  he  had  to  fay,  upon 
which  he  added  fome  obfervations  in  point  of 
Policy ,  to  the  following  effedt: 

That  the  adventurers  had  been  at  great  cofl 
and  pains  to  enlarge  the  King's  dominions  ; 
to  employ  many  feamen,  handicraftsmen,  and 

labourers  : 


GORGES.  373 

labourers  ;  to  fettle  a  flouriming  plantation, 
and  advance  religion  in  thofe  favage  countries ; 
matters  of  the  higheft  confequence  to  the 
nation,  and  far  exceeding  all  the  advantage 
which  could  be  expected  from  a  fimple  courfe 
of  fiming,  which  muft  foon  have  been  given 
over ;  for  that  fo  valuable  a  country,  could 
not  long  remain  unpofTefled  either  by  the 
French,  Spaniards,  or  Dutch  -,  fo  that,  if  the 
plantations  were  to  be  given  up,  the  fimery 
muft  inevitably  be  loft,  and  the  honour,  as 
well  as  jntereft  of  the  nation,  greatly  fuffer ; 
that  the  mifchief  already  done  by  the  perfons 
who  were  foremoft  in  their  complaints  was 
intolerable  ;  for,  in  their  diforderly  intercourfe 
with  the  favages,  they  had  been  guilty  of  the 
greateft  exceffes  of  debauchery  and  knavery, 
and  in  addition  to  all  thefe  immoralities,  they 
had  furnimed  them  with  arms  and  ammuni 
tion  ;  by  which  they  were  enabled  to  def- 
troy  the  peaceable  fi  mermen,  and  had  become 
formidable  enemies  to  the  planters. 

He  further  added,  that  he  had,  in  zeal  for 
the  intereft  of  his  country,  deeply  engaged 
his  own  eftate,  and  fent  one  of  his  fons  to  the 
American  coaft,  befides  encouraging  many  of 
his  friends  to  go  thither  j  this  he  hoped  would 
Z3*  -  be 


374         GORGES, 

be  ^n  apology  for  his  earneftnefs  in  this  plea, 
as  if  he  had  fhewn  lefs  warmth  it  might  have 
been  conftrued  info  negligence  and  in 
gratitude. 

Thefe  pleas  however  earned  and  rational, 
were  to  no  purpofe.  The  parliament  pre- 
fented  to  the  King  the  grievances  of  the  na 
tion,  and  the  patent  for  New-England  was 
the  firft  on  the  lift.  Gorges,  however,  had 
taken  care  that  the  King  {hould  be  previoufly 
acquainted  with  the  objections  and  anfwers  ; 
a,nd  James  was  fo  jealous  of  his  prerogative, 
that  though  he  gave  his  aflent  to  a  declara 
tory  act  againfl  monopolies  in  general,  yet  he 
Would  not  recal  the  patent.  However,  in 
deference  to  the  voice  of  the  nation,  the  coun 
cil  thought  fit  to  fufpend  their  operations. 
This  proved  for  4  while,,  djfcouraging  to 
the  fpirit  of  adventure  and  occafioned  the 
recalling  Robert  Gorges  from  his  govern 
ment. 

But  the  parliament  having  proceeded  with 
niore  freedom  and  boldneis  in  their  com 
plaints,  than  fuited  the  feelings  of  James,  he 
diffolved  them  in  hafte,  before  they  could 
proceed  to  meafures  for  remedying  the  difor- 
dcrs  in  church  and  ftate,  which  had  been  the 

fubjecl: 


G     O     R     G     E     S.,  375 

fubject  of  complaint  ;  and  Tome  of  the  more 
liberal  fpeakers  were  committed  to  prifon .  This 
ferved  to  damp  the  fpirit  of  reformation,  and 
prepared  the  way  for  another  colony  of  emi 
grants  to  New-England. 

About  the  fame  time,  the  French  ambaf- 
fador  put  in  a  claim  in  behalf  of  his  court 
to  thefe  territories,  to  which  Gorges  was 
fummoned  to  anfwer  before  the  King  and 
council,  which  he  did  in  fo  ample  and  con-' 
vincing  a  manner,  that  the  claim  was  for  that 
time  filenced.  Gorges  then,  in  the  name  of 
the  Council  of  Plymouth,  complained  of  the 
Dutch,  as  intruders  on  the  EngliCh  pofief- 
fions  in  America,  by  making  a  fettlement  on 
Hudfon's  river.  To  this,  the  States  made  an 
fwer,  that  if  any  fuch  things  had  been  done, 
it  was  without  their  order,  as  they  had  only 
erected  a  company  for  the  Weft  Indies.  Thig 
anfwer,  made  the  council  refolve  to  profecute 
their  bulinefs  and  remove  thefe  intruders. 

Hitherto  Gorges  appears  in  the  light 
of  a  zealous,  indefatigable  and  unfuccefs- 
ful  adventurer  ;  but  neither  his  labours, 
expenfe,  nor  ill  fuccefs  were  yet  come  to  a 
conclulion. 

Z4  To 


376  GORGES. 

To  entertain  a  juft  view  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  we  muft  confider  him  both  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Council  of  Plymouth,  purfuing  the 
general  intereft  of  American  plantations  ;  and 
at  the  fame  time  as1  an  adventurer,  undertak 
ing  a  fettlement  of  his  own,  in  a  particular 
part  of  the  territory  which  was  fubjedl  to  the 
jurifdiction  of  the  council .  Having  formed  an 
intimacy  with  Capt.  John  Mafon,  Governour 
of  Portfmouth,  in  the  county  of  Hants,  who 
was  alfo  a  member  of  the  council  ;  and  hav 
ing  (1622)  jointly  with  him  procured  from 
the  council,  a  grant  of  a  large  extent  of  coun 
try,  which  they  called  Laconia,  extending  from 
the  river  Merrimack  to  Sagadahock,  and  from 
the  ocean  to  the  lakes  and  river  of  Canada,  they 
indulged  fanguine  expectation  of  fuccefs. 
From  the  accounts  given  of  the  country  by 
fome  romantic  travellers,  they  had  conceived 
an  idea  of  it  as  a  kind  of  terreftrial  paradife,  not 
merely  capable  of  producing  all  the  necefTaries 
and  conveniencies  of  life  but  as  already  richly 
furnifhed  by  the  bountiful  hand  of  nature. 
The  air  was  faid  to  be  pure  and  falubrious  • 
the  country  pleafant  and  delightful,  full  of 
goodly  forefts,  fairvallies,  and  fertile  plains  • 
abounding  in  vines,  chefnuts,  walnuts,  and 

many 


GORGES.  377 

many  other  forts  of  fruit ;  the  rivers  ftored 
with  fifli  and  environed  with  goodly  meadows 
full  of  timber  trees.  In  the  great  lake,*  it 
was  faid,  were  four  iilands,  full  of  pleafant 
woods  and  meadows,  having  great  (lore  of 
flags,  fallow  deer,  elks,  roebucks,  beavers  and 
other  game  ;  and  thefe  iflands  were  fuppoied 
to  be  commodioufly  fituate  for  habitation  and 
traffic,  in  the  midfl  of  a  fine  lake,  abounding 
with  the  moft  delicate  fifh.  This  lake  was 
thought  to  be  lefs  than  ico  miles  diftant 
from  the  fea  coaft ;  and  there  was  fome  fecret 
expedition  that  mines  and  precious  flones, 
would  be  the  reward  of  their  patient  and  dili 
gent  attention  to  the  bufinefs  of  difcovery. 
Such  were  the  charms  of  Laconia  ! 

It  has    been  before   obferved    that    Gorges 

O 

had  fent  over  Richard  Vines,  with  forne 
others,  on  a  difcovery,  to  prepare  the  way  for 
a  colorfy.  The  place  which  Vines  pitched 
upon,  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Saco.* 
Some  years  after,  another  fcttlement  was  ms'de 
on  the  river  of  Agamenticus,  by  'Francis 
Norton,  whom  Gorges  fent  over  with  a  num 
ber  of  other  people,  having  procured  for 
them  a  patent  of  12,000  acres  on  the  eail  fide 
of  the  river,  and  12,000  more  on  the  weft 

fide  •> 

*  Lake  Champlain. 


378  GORGES. 

fide  ;  his  fon  Ferdinando  Gorges  being  named 
as  one  of  the  grantees ;  this  was  the  beginning 
of  the  town  of  York.  Norton  was  a  Lieu 
tenant  Colonel,  and  had  raifed  himfelf  to  that 
rank  from  a  common  ibldier,  by  his  own 
merit.  In  this  company  were  fcveral  artific 
ers,  who  were  employed  in  building  faw  mills, 
and  they  were  fupplied  with  cattle  and  other 
neceffaries  for  the  bufinefs  of  getting  lumber. 

About  the  fame  time  (viz.  1623)  a  fettle- 
ment  was  begun  at  the  river  Pifcataqua,  by 
Captain  Mafon,  and  feveral  other  merchants, 
among  whom  Gorges  had  a  (hare.  The  prin 
cipal  defign  of  thefe  fettlements  was,  to  eftab- 
lifh  a  permanent  fifhery,  to  make  fait,  to  trade 
with  the  natives,  and  to  prepare  lumber  for 
exportation.  Agriculture  was  but  a  fecondary 
object,  though  in  itielf  the  true  fource  of  all 
opulence  and  all  fubfiftence. 

Thefe  attempts  proved  very  expenfive  and 
yielded  no  adequate  returns.  The  aflbciates 
•were  difcouraged,  and  dropped  off  one  after 
another,  till  none  but  Gorges  and  Mafon  re 
mained.  Much  patience  was  neceflary,  but 
in  this  cafe  it  could  be  grounded  only  on  en- 
thufiafm.  It  was  not  pomble  in  the  nature 
of  things  that  their  intereft  fliould  be  advanc 
ed 


OGS.        37$ 

cd  by  the  manner  in  which  they  conduced 
their  bufinefs.  Their  colonifts  came  over 
either  as  tenants  or  as  hired  fervants.  The 
produce  of  the  plantation  could  not  pay  their 
wages,  and  they  foon  became  their  own  maf- 
ters.  The  charge  of  making  a  fettlement 
in  fuch  a  wildernefs  was  more  than  the  value 
of  the  lands  when  the  improvements  were 
made  :  overfeers  were  appointed,  but  they 
could  not  hold  the  tenants  under  command  ; 
nor  prevent  their  changing  places  on  every 
difcontent  :  The  proprietors  themfelves  never 
came  in  perfon  to  fuperintend  their  intereils, 
and  no  regular  government  was  eftablifhed  to 
punim  offenders  or  preferve  order.  For  thefe 
reafons  though  Gorges  and  Mafon  expended 
from  firft  to  lad  more  than  twenty  thoufand 
pounds  each,  yet  they  only  opened  the  way  for 
others  to  follow,  and  the  money  was  loft  to 
them  and  their  poflerity.* 

Whilft  their  private  intereft  was  thus  fink 
ing  in  America,  the  reputation  of  the  coun 
cil  of  which  were  members  lay  undsr  fuch 
difadvantage  in  England  as  tended  to  endanger 
their  political  exigence.  As  they  had  been 
incorporated  for  the  purpofe,  not  merely  of 


g  ran  ting 


*  See  Hifiory  of  Nev-Hamp&ire,  vol.  ;.  Chap.  i. 


u. 


380  G     O  .  R     G     E     S. 

granting  lands,  but  of  making  actual  planta 
tions  in  America,  they  were  fond  of  encou 
raging  all  attempts,  from  whatever  quarter, 
which  might  realize  their  views  and  ex 
pectations. 

The  ecclefiaftical  government  at  this  time 
allowed  no  liberty  to  fcrupulous  confciences  ; 
for  which  reafon  many  who  had  hitherto  been 
peaceable  members  of  the  national  church, 
and  wimed  to  continue  fuch,  finding  ftiat  no 
indulgence  could  be  granted,  turned  their 
thoughts  toward  America  where  fome  of  their 
brethren  had  already  made  a  fettlement.  They 
firft  purchafed  of  the  council  of  Plymouth  a 
large  territory^  and  afterward  obtained  of  the 
crown  a  charter,  by  which  they  were  confti- 
tuted  a  body  politic  within  the  realm.  In  June 
1630  they  brought  their  charter  to  America, 
and  began  the  colony  of  Maffachufetts.  This 
proved  an  effectual  fettlement,  and  the  rea- 
fons  which  rendered  it  fo  were  the  the  zeal  and 
ardour  which  animated  their  exertions  ;  the 
wealth  which  they  poffefled,  and  which  they 
converted  into  materials  for  a  new  plantation  $ 
but  principally  \htprefencc  of  the  adventurers 
themfelves,  on  the  fpot,  where  their  fortunes 
were  to  be  expended  and  their  zeal  exerted. 

The 


GORGES.  381 

The  difference  between  a  man's  doing  bufinefs 
by  himfelf,  and  by  his  fubftitutes,  was  never 
more  fairly  exemplified  than  in  the  conduct 
of  the  Maffachufetts  planters,  compared  with 
that  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  :  what  the  one 
had  been  labouring  for,  above  twenty  years 
without  any  fuccefs,was  realized  by  the  others 
in  two  or  three  years  ;  in  five,  they  were  fo 
far  advanced  as  to  be  able  to  fend  out  a  colo 
ny  from  themfelves  to  begin  another  at  Con 
necticut  ;  and  in  lefs  than  ten,  they  founded 
an  Univerfity  which  has  ever  fince  produc 
ed  an  uninterrupted  fucceffion  of  ferviceable 
men  in  church  and  ftate. 

The  great  number  of  people  who  flocked  to 
this  new  plantation,  raifed  an  alarm  in  Eng 
land.  As  they  had  manifefted  their  difcon- 
tent  with  the  ecclefiaftical  government,  it 
it  was  fufpe&ed  that  they  aimed  at  independence p, 
and  would  throw  off  their  allegiance  to  the 
crown.  This  jealoufy  was  fo  ftrong,  that  a 
royal  order  was  made  to  reftrain  any  from 
coming  hither  who  fhould  not  firfl  take  the 
oaths  of  allegiance  and  fupremacy,  and  obtain 
a  licence  for  their  removal. 

To  refute  this  jealous  cavil  againft  the 
planters  of  Ncw«-England,wc  need  only  to  ob- 

ferve, 


382  GORGES. 

ferve,  that  at  the  time  when  they  began  their 
fettlement,  and  for  many  years  after,  the  lands 
which  they  occupied  were  objects  of  envy 
both  to  the  Dutch  and  French.  The  Dutch 
claimed  from  Hudfon,  as  far  as  Connecticut 
river,  where  they  had  erected  a  trading  houfe. 
The  French  claimed  all  the  lands  of  New 
England ;  and  the  Governour  of  Port  Royal, 
v.'hen  he  wrote  to  Governour  Winthrop,direcl- 
ed  his  letters  to  him  as  Governour  of  the  Englijh 
at  BoJIon  in  Acadia.  Had  the  New  England 
planters  thrown  off  their  fubjection  to  the 
crown  of  England  they  muft  have  become  a 
prey  to  one  or  the  other  of  thefe  rival  powers. 
Of  this  they  were  well  aware,  and  if  they  had 
entertained  any  idea  of  independency,  which 
they  certainly  did  not  (nor  did  their  fuccejjbrs 
till  driven  to  it  by  Britain  herfelf)  it  would 
Lave  been  the  moft  impolitic  thing  in  the 
world  to  have  avowed  it,  in  the  prefence  of 
neighbours  with  whom  they  did  not  wifh  to 
be  connected. 

This  jcaloufy,  however  groundlefs,  had  an 
influence  on  the  public  councils  of  the  nation, 
as  well  as  on  the  fentiments  of  individuals, 
and  contributed  to  increaie  the  prejudice  which 
had  been  formed  againft  all  who  were  con* 

cerned 

" 


GORGES.  383 

ccrned  in  the  colonization  of  New  England. 
The  merchants  ftill  confidered  the  Council  of 
Plymouth,  as  monopolizing  a  lucrative  branch 
of  trade.  The  South  Virginia  company,  dif- 
relimed  their  exclufive  charter,  and  fpared  no 
pains  to  get  it  revoked.  The  popular  party 
in  the  commons  regarded  them  as  fupporters 
of  the  prerogative,  and  under  the  royal  influ 
ence.*  The  high  church  party  were  incenf- 
cd  againft  them  as  enemies  of  prelacy,  becaufe 
they  had  favoured  the  fettlement  of  the  Puri 
tans  within  their  territory:  and  the  King  him- 
felf  fufpected  that  the  colonies  in  New  Eng 
land  had  too  much  liberty  to  conlift  with  his 
notions  of  government.  Gorges  was  looked 
upon  as  the  author  of  all  the  mifchief ;  and 
being  publicly  called  upon,  declared,  "  that 
though  he  had  earneftly  fought  the  intereft  of 
the  plantations,  yet  he  could  not  anfwer  for 
the  evils  which  had  happened  by  them.'*  It 
was  extremely  mortifying  to  him  to  find  that 
after  all  his  exertions  and  expenfes  in  the  fer- 
vice  of  the  nation,  he  had  become  a  very  un 
popular  chara&er,  and  had  enemies  on  all  fides. 

To 

*  This  manifestly  appears  from  the  grant  which  they  were  o- 
bliged  to  make  to  Sir  William  Alexander,  of  the  country  of  Nova 
Scotia,  by  virtue  of  a  meflage  from  the  King,  which  they  confider 
ed  as  a  command.  This  grant  Was  ceanVmed  t»  him  by  the  King, 
and  he  fold  it  to  the  Frensli. 


384  GORGES. 

To  remedy  thefe  difficulties,  he  projected 
the  refignation  of  the  charter  to  the  crown  j 
and  the  divifion  pf  the  territory  into  twelve 
lordfhips,tobe  united  under  one  General  Gov- 
ernour.  As  the  charter  of  MaiTachufetts  flood 
in  the  way  of  this  project,  he,  in  conjunction 
with  Maion,  petitioned  the  crown  for  a  revo 
cation  of  it.  This  brought  on  him  the  ill 
will  of  thofe  colonifls  alfo,  who  from  that 
time  regarded  him  and  Mafon  as  their  enemies. 
i3efore  the  council  furrendered  their  charter, 
they  made  grants  to  fome  of  their  own  mem 
bers,  of  twelve  diftricts,  from  Maryland  tOySt. 
Croix,  among  which  the  diftrict  from  Pifcata- 
qua  to  Sagadahock, extending  one  hundred  arid 
twenty  miles  northward  into  the  country,  was 
afiigned  to  Gorges.  In  June  1635, the coun- 
i  il  reiigned  tbeir  charter,  and  petitioned  the 
King  and  the  lords  of  the  privy  council  for  ;. 
confirmation  of  the  feveral  proprietary  grants, 
and  the  eftablifhment  of  a  general  government. 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  then  three  Icore  years 
of  age,  was  the  pcrion  nominated  to  be.  the 
General  Governor.  About  this  time,  Maibn, 
one  of  the  principal  actors  in  this  affair,  was 
removed  by  death  :  ^nd  u  fliip,  which  was  in 
tended  for  the  fn  IK-\V  'icvcrnmeru* 

; 


GORGES.  385 

fell  and  broke  in  launching.  A  quo  warranto 
was  ilTued  againft  the  Mailachuietts  charter, 
but  the  proceedings  upon  it  were  delayed,  and 
never  completed.  An  order  of  the  King  in 
council,  was  alfo  ifTued  in  1637,  for  theeftab- 
limcnent  of  the  general  government,  and  Gor 
ges  was  therein  appointed  Governour  ;  but  the 
troubles  in  Scotland  and  England,  at  this  time 
grew  very  ferious  and  put  a  check  to  the  bufi- 
nefs.  Soon  after,  Archbifhop  Laud  and  fome 
other  lords  of  council,  who  were  zealous  in 
the  affair,  loft  their  authority,  and  the  whole 
project  came  to  nothing. 

Gorges  however,  obtained  of  the  crown  in 
1639,  a  confirmation  of  his  own  grant,  which 
was  ftyled  the  Province  of  Maine,  and  of 
which  he  was  made  Lord  Palatine  with  the 
fame  powers  and  privileges  as  the  bimop  of 
Durham  in  the  County  Palatine  of  Durham. 
In  virtue  of  thefe  powers,  he  conftituted  a 
government  within  his  faid  province,  and  in 
corporated  the  plantation  at  Agamenticus  in 
to  a  city,  by  the  name  of  Gorgeana,  of  which 
his  coufin,  Thomas  Gorges,  was  Mayor,  who 
refided  there  about  two  years,  and  then  return 
ed  to  England.  The  council  for  the  admin- 
iftration  of  government  were  Sir  Thomas 
A  a  JofTelyn, 


-86  GORGES. 

JofTelyn,  Knight,  Richard  Vines,  (Steward) 
Francis  Champernoon  (a  nephew  to  Gorges,) 
Henry  JofTelyn,  Richard  Boniton,  William 
Hooke,  and  Edward  Godfrey. 

The  plan  which  he  formed  for  the  govern 
ment  of  his  province  was  this :  It  was  to  be 
divided  into  eight  counties,  and  thefe  into 
iixteen  hundreds,  the  hundreds  were  to  be 
fubdivided  into  parimes  and  tythings,  as  the 
people  fhould  increafe.  In  the  abfence  of  the 
proprietor  a  lieutenant  was  to  prefide,  A 
chancellor  was  constituted  for  the  decifion  of 
civil  caufes  $  a  treafurer  to  receive  the  revenue, 
a  marfhal  for  managing  the  militia,  and  a 
marfhal's  court,  for  criminal  matters  ;  an  ad 
miral,  and  admiral's  court,  for  maritime  caufes ; 
a  mafter  of  ordnance  and  a  fecretary.  Thefe 
officers  were  to  be  a  ftanding  council.  Eight 
deputies  were  to  be  elected,  one  from  each 
county,  by  the  inhabitants,  to  fit  in  the  fame 
council  -,  and  all  matters  of  moment  were  to 
be  determined  by  the  lieutenant  with  advice 
of  the  majority.  This  council  were  to  ap 
point  juftices,  to  give  licences  for  the  fale  of 
lands  fubjett  to  a  rent  of  four  pence  or  fix  pence 
per  acre.  When  any  law  was  to  be  enacted 
or  repealed,  or  public  money  to  be  raifed, 

they 


GORGES.  387 

they  were  to  call  on  the  counties  to  elecl  each 
two  deputies,  "to  join  with  the  council  in  the 
performance  of  the  fervice;"  but  nothing  is 
faid  of  their  voting  as  a  feparate  houfe.  One 
lieutenant  and  eight  juftices  were  allowed  to 
each  county ;  two  head  conftables  to  every 
hundred  ;  one  con  (table  and  four  tythingmen 
to  every  pariih ;  and  in  conformity  to  the  in 
flictions  of  King  Alfred,  each  tythingman 
was  to  give  an  account  of  the  demeanor  of  the 
families  within  his  tything,  to  the  conftable 
of  the  parim,  who  was  to  render  the  fame  to 
the  head  conftables  of  the  hundred,  and  they 
to  the  lieutenant  and  juftices  of  the  county ; 
who  were  to  take  cognizance  of  all  mifdemean- 
ors  ;  and  from  them  an  appeal  might  be  made 
to  the  proprietor's  lieutenant  and  council. 

Forms  of  government,  and  plans  of  fettle- 
ment,  are  much  more  eafily  drawn  on  paper, 
than  carried  into  execution.  Few  people 
could  be  induced  to  become  tenants  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  fuch  a  colony  as  Maflachu- 
fetts,  where  all  were  freeholders.  No  provi- 
fion  was  made  for  public  inftitutions^  fchools 
were  unknown,  and  they  had  no  minifters, 
till  in  pity  to  their  deplorable  ftate,  two  went 
thither  from  Bofton  on  a  voluntary  million, 
A  a  2  and 


38S  GORGES. 

and  were  well  received  by  them.  The  city  of 
Gorgeana,  though  a  lofty  name,  was  in  fadt 
but  an  inconfiderable  village  5  and  there  were 
only  a  few  houfes  in  fome  of  the  beft  places 
for  navigation.  The  people  were  without 
order  and  morals,  and  it  was  faid  of  fome  of 
them,  that  "  they  had  as  many  (hares  in  a 
woman, as  they  had  in  a  riming  boat."*  Gor 
ges  himfelf  complained  of  the  prodigality  of 
his  fervants,  and  had  very  little  confidence  in 
his  own  fons,  for  whofe  aggrandizement  he 
had  been  labouring  to  eftablifh  a  foundation. 
He  had  indeed  creeled  faw  mills  and  corn  mills, 
and  had  received  fome  acknowledgment  in  the 
way  of  rents,  but  lamented,  that  he  had  not 
reaped  the  "  happy  fuccefs  of  thofe  who  are 
their  own  flewards,  and  the  difpofers  of  their 
own  affairs."  x 

How  long  Gorges  continued  in  his  office 
as  Governour  of  Plymouth,  does  not  appear 
from  any  materials  within  my  reach.  In 
1625,  he  commanded  a  fhip  of  war  in  a  fquad- 
ron  under  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  which 
was  fent  to  the  affiftance  of  France,  under  pre 
tence  of  being  employed  againft  the  Gcnoefe. 
But  a  fufpicion  having  arifen  that  they  were 

deftined 

*  Hutchinfon's  Colieftion  of  Papers,  p.  424. 


GORGES.  389 

deilincd  to  affift  Louis  againft  his  proteftant 
iubjecls  at  Rochelle,  as  foon  as  they  were  ar 
rived  at  Dieppe,  and  found  that  they  had  been 
deceived,  Gorges  was  the  firfl  to  break  his 
orders  and  return  with  his  (hip  to  England. 
The  others  followed  his  example,  and  their 
2eal  for  the  Proteftant  religion  was  much  ap 
plauded.* 

When  the  civil  difTenfions  in  England  broke 
out  into  a  war,  Gorges  took  the  royal  fide  ; 
and,  though  then  far  advanced  in  years,  engaged 
perfonally  in  the  fervice  of  the  crown.  He 
was  in  Prince  Rupert's  army  at  the  liege  of 
jBriftol  in  1643  \  and  when  that  city  was  re 
taken  in  1645  by  the  parliament's  forces,  he 
•was  plundered  and  imprifoned.-f'  His  politi 
cal  principles  rendered  him  obnoxious  to  the 
ruling  powers,  and  when  it  was  neceflary  for 
him  to  appear  before  the  commiffioners  for 
foreign  plantations,  he  was  feverely  frowned 
upon,  and  confequently  difcouraged. 

The  time  of  his  death  is  uncertain  -,  he  is 
fpoken  of  in  the  records  of  the  Province  of 
Maine  as  dead  in  June  1647,  Upon  his  de- 
ceafe,  his  e.ftate  fell  to  his  cldefl  fon,  John 

Gorges, 

*  Hume. 

f  Joffelyn  fays  that  he  was  ffveral  times  plundered  and  imprU 
foned.  p.  197. 

Aaj 


390  GORGES. 

Gorges,   who,    whether   difcouraged   by    his 
father's    ill   fuccefs,  or  incapacitated  by    the 
feverity  of  the  times,  took  no  care  of  the  prov 
ince,  nor   do  we   find   any  thing   memorable 
concerning  him.     Moft  of  the  commiflioners 
who  had  been   appointed  to  govern  the  prov 
ince  defertedit;    and  the  remaining  inhabit 
ants    in    1649,    were  obliged  to    combine  for 
their  own  fecurity.     In  1651,  they  petitioned 
the  Council  of  State  that  they  might  be  con^- 
fidered  as  part  of  the  commonwealth  of  Eng 
land.      The  next  year,  upon  the  requeft  of  a 
great  part  of  the   inhabitants,    the  colony  of 
Maflachufetts  took  them    under  their  protec 
tion,  being   fuppofed  to  be    within  the  limits 
of  their   charter  •  fome  oppofition  was   made 
to  this  ftep ;    but   the   majority  fubmitted  or 
acquiefced  ;    and    confidering    the   difficulties 
of  the  times,  and  the  unfettled  ftate  of  affairs 
in   England,  this   was  the  befl   expedient  for 
their  fecurity. 

On  the  death  of  John  Gorges,  the  proprie 
ty  deicended  to  his  fon  Ferdinando  Gorges,  of 
Weftminfter,  who  feems  to  have  been  a  man 
of  information  and  activity.  He  printed  a 
defcription  of  New  England  in  1658,  to  which 
he  annexed  a  narrative  written  by  his  grand 
father  j 


GORGES.  391 

father;  from  which  this  account  is  chiefly 
compiled  ;  but  another  piece  which  in  fome 
editions  is  tacked  to  thefe,  entitled  "  Wonder 
working  Providences,"  was  unfairly  afcribed 
to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  though  written  by 
a  Mr.  Johnfon  of  Woburn  in  New  England. 
On  the  reftoration  of  King  Charles  II. 
Gorges  petitioned  the  crown,  complaining  of 
the  MafTachufetts  colony  for  ufurping  the 
government  of  Maine,  and  extending  their 
boundary  lines.  In  1664,  commifTioners  were 
fent  to  America,  who  finding  the  people  in 
the  Province  of  Maine  divided  in  their  opin 
ions  with  refpect  to  matters  of  government, 
appointed  juftices  in  the  King's  name  to  gov 
ern  them  -,  and  about  the  fame  time  the  pro 
prietor  nominated  thirteen  commiffioners  and 
prepared  a  fet  of  inftructions  which  were  en 
tered  on  the  records  of  the  province.  But 
upon  the  departure  of  the  royal  commiiSon- 
ers  the  colony  refumed  its  jurifdiction  over 
them.  Thefe  two  fources  of  government  kept 
alive  two  parties,  each  of  whom  were  always 
ready  to  complain  of  the  other  and  juftify 
themfelves. 

An  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  Maffachu- 
fetts  had  been  instituted  in  England,  and  the 
A  a  4  colony 


392  GORGES. 

colony  was  ordered  to  fend  over  agents  to  an- 
fwer  the  complaints  of  Gorges,  and  Mafon,  the 
proprietor  of  New  Hampshire,  who  had  joint* 
]y  propofed  to  fell  their  property  to  the  crown 
to  make  a  government  for  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth.  This  propofal  not  being  accepted, 
the  colony  themfelves  took  the  hint,  and 
thought  the  moil  effectual  way  of  filencing 
the  complaint  would  be,  to  make  a  purchafe. 
The  circumftances  of  the  Province  of  Maine 
were  fuch  as  to  favour  their  views.  The  In 
dians  had  invaded  it,  moft  of  the  fettlements 
were  deftroyed  or  deferted,  and  the  whole 
country  was  in  trouble  -,  the  colony  had  af 
forded  them  all  the  afliftance  which  was  in 
their  power,  and  they  had  no  help  from  any 
other  quarter.  In  the  height  of  this  calamity 
John  Umer,  Efq.  was  employed  to  negociate 
with  Mr.  Gorges  for  the  purchafe  of  the 
whole  territory,  which  was  effected  in  the 
year  1677.  The  fum  of  twelve  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds  fterling  was  paid  for  it,  and  it  has 
ever  fmce  been  a  part  of  Maflachufetts.  It  is 
now  formed  into  two  counties,  York  and 
Cumberland;  but  the  Diftritt  of  Maine,  as 
eftablimed  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 

comprehends 


GORGES.  393 

comprehends  alfo  the  counties  of  Lincoln, 
Wamington,  and  Hancock  $  extending  from 
Pifcataqua  to  St.  Croix  ;  a  territory  large  e- 
nough,  when  fully  peopled,  to  be  formed  into 
a  diftinct  ftate. 


XV.  HENRY 


394 


XV.     HENRY    HUDSON. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  fnmiefs 

attempts,  which  had  been  made,  to  find  a  paf- 
fage  to  India,  by  the  north,  the  idea  was  not 
given  up  ;  but  it  was  fuppofed,  that  under  the 
direction  of  fome  prudent,  refolute  and  expe 
rienced  commander,  the  objecl:  might  yet  be 
attained.  A  fociety  of  wealthy  and  fanguine 
adventurers,  in  England,  believed  the  practi 
cability  of  the  paflage  -t  and  with  a  refolution 
and  liberality  almoft  unexampled,  raifed  the 
money  to  carry  on  this  expenfive  undertaking. 
They  gave  the  command  of  the  expedition, 
to  HENRY  HUDSON,  a  feaman  of  enlarged 
views  and  long  experience ;  in  whofe  knowl 
edge  and  intrepidity  they  could  fafely  confide; 
and  whofe  enterprizing  fpirit  was  exceeded  by 
none,  and  equalled  by  few  of  his  contem 
poraries.* 

When  the  fhip,  which  they  had  deftined 
for  the  voyage,  was  ready,  Hudfon  with  his 
crew,  according  to  the  cuftom  of  feamen  in 
that  day,  went  to  church  on  April  19,  1607, 
and  there  partook  of  the  Lord's  Supper, -f-  On 

the 

*  For/let's  northern  voyages  p,  324, 
t  Purchas  iv.  567, 


HUDSON.  395 

the  firft  of  May,  he  failed  from  Gravefend  ; 
and  on  the  2ift  of  June,  difcovered  land,  in 
lat.  73°,  on  the  eaftern  coaft  of  Greenland, 
which  he  called  Hold  •with  Hope. 

His  defign  was,  to  explore  the  whole  coaft 
of  Greenland,  which  he  fuppofed  to  be  an 
iiland  ;  and,  if  poffible,  to  pafs  round  it,  to  the 
northweft ;  or  elfe  directly  under  the  pole. 
But  having  failed  as  far  as  the  latitude  of  82°, 
he  found  the  fea  obftructed  by  impenetrable 
ice ;  and  was  obliged  to  return  to  England  j 
where  he  arrived  on  the  I5th  of  September. 

By  this  voyage,  more  of  the  eaflern  coaft  of 
Greenland  was  explored,  than  had  ever  before 
been  known ;  and  the  ifland,  afterward  called 
Spitzbergen,  was  firft  difcovered.  It  alfo  o- 
pened  the  way  to  the  Englifh,  and  after  them 
to  the  Dutch,  to  profecute  the  whale  nmery 
in  thofe  northern  feas. 

The  next  year,*  the  fame  company  of  ad 
venturers  refolved  to  make  another  attempt, 
and  fent  Hudfon  again,  to  find  a  paffage  by  ' 
the  northeaft.  He  failed  on  the  22d  of  A- 
pril  1608.  The  higheft  latitude,  to  which 
he  advanced  in  this  voyage,  was  75°  30'.  Af 
ter  having  made  feveral  attempts,  to  pafs  be 
tween 

*  Pur^has  iv,  p.  574. 


396  HUDSON. 

tween  Spitzbergen  and  Nova  Zembla,  which 
he  found  impracticable  ;  the  feafon  was  fo  far 
fpent,  and  the  winds  fo  contrary,  that  he  had 
not  time  to  try  the  ftrait  of  Waygats,  nor 
Lumley's  Inlet;  and  therefore  thought  it  his 
"  duty,  to  fave  victual,  wages  and  tackle,  by  a 
fpeedy  return."  He  arrived  at  Gravefend  on 
the  2oth  of  Auguft,* 

After  his  return  from  his  fecond  voyage,  he. 
went  over  to  Holland  and  entered  into  the 
fervice  of  the  Dutch.  Their  Eaft  India  com 
pany  fitted  out  a  mip  for  difcovery,  and  put 
him  into  the  command.-f'  He  failed  from 
Amfterdam  on  the  25th  of  March  1609.^ 

The 

*  In  the  journal  of  this  voyage,  written  by  Hudfon  himfelf,  is 
the  following  remark.  "June  15,  lat.  75°  7',  this  morning  one 
of  our  company  looking  overboard  faw  a  mermaid,  and  calling  up 
fome  of  the  company  to  fee  her,  one  more  came  up,  and  by  that 
time,  (he  was  come  clofe  to  the  {hip's  fide,  looking  earneftly  on  the 
men.  A  little  after,  a  fea  came  and  overturned  her.  From  th» 
navel  upward,  her  back  and  breafis  were  like  a  woman  ;  (as  they 
fay  that  faw  her)  her  body  as  big  as  one  of  us  ;  her  (kin  very 
white  ;  and  long  hair  hanging  down  behind,  of  colour  black.  In 
her  going  down,  they  faw  her  tail,  which  was  like  th,e  tail  of  a  por- 
poife,  and  fyeckled  like  a  mackarel.  Their  names  that  faw  her  were 
Thomas  Hilles  and  Robert  Rayner."  Purchas  iv.  575, 

+  This  is  faid  on  the  authority  of  Dr.  Forfter.  The  journal 
fays  nothing  of  it.  It  was  written  by  Robert  Juet,  his  mate. 

ibid.  581. 

J  Smith,  .in  his  hiflory  of  New  York,  following  Oldrnixon  and 
•ther  fecond  baud  authorities,  places  this  voyage  in  1608.  But  as 
the  journals  of  Hudfon's  four  voyages  are  extant  in  Purchas,  I  take 
all  dates  from  him. 


HUDSON.  397 

The  higheft  latitude  which  he  made  in  this 
voyage  was  71°  46' ;  where  he  found  the  fea 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nova  Zembla  fo  fill 
ed  with  ice,  and  covered  with  fogs,  that  it  was 
impoffible  to  pafs  the  ftrait  of  Waygats  to  the 
eaftward.  He  therefore  tacked  and  fleered 
wefterly,  toward  Greenland  ;  intending  to  fall 
in  with  Bufs  Ifland,  which  had  been  feen  by 
one  of  Frobifher's  (hips  in  1 578  ;  but  when 
he  came  into  the  latitude  where  it  was  laid 
down,  he  could  not  find  it. 

He  then  fleered  fouthwefterly  ;  pafled  the 
banks  of  Newfoundland  among  the  French 
mips  which  were  fifliing,  without  fpeaking 
with  any  of  them  ;  and  failed  along  the  coafl 
of  America.  In  this  route  he  difcovered 
Cape  Cod  and  landed  there  ;  then  purfued  his 
courfe  to  the  fouth  and  weft ;  making  remarks 
on  the  foundings  and  currents,  till  he  came 
to  the  entrance  of  Chefapeak  bay.  Here 
he  plied  oft  and  on  for  feveral  days,  and  then 
turned  again  to  the  northward. 

In  his  return  along  the  coaft,  on  the  28th 
of  Auguft  he  difcovered  the  great  bay,  now- 
called  Delaware,  in  the  latitude  of  39°  5'. 
In  this  bay  he  examined  the  foundings  and 

currents, 


398  H     U     D     S     O     N. 

currents,  and  the  appearance  of  the  land  -,  but 
did  not  go  on  more. 

From  this  bay,  paffing  along  a  low  marfhy 
coaft  fkirted  with  broken  iflands,  on  the 
ad  of  September  he  faw  high  hills  to  the 
northward  ;  which  I  fuppofe  were  the  Nev- 
eriinks  in  New  Jerfey. 

On  the  4th  of  September,  he  came  to  an 
chor  in  "  a  very  good  harbour"  in  the  latitude 
40°  30',  which  is  the  bay  within  Sandy  Hook. 
On  the  6th,  the  boat  was  fent  to  furvey  what 
appeared  to  be  the  mouth  of  a  river,  diftant 
four  leagues.  This  was  the  ft  rait  called  the 

O 

Narrows,  between  Long  liland  and  Staten 
Jlland  ;  here  was  a  good  depth  of  water; 
and  within  was  a  large  opening,  and  a  narrow 
river,  to  the  weft  ;  the  channel  between  Ber 
gen  Neck  and  Staten  Ifland.  As  the  boat 
was  returning,  it  was  attacked  by  fome  of 
the  natives,  in  two  canoes.  One  man,  John 
Colman,  was  killed ;  he  was  buried  on  a  point 
of  land,  which,  from  that  circumftance,  was 
called  Colman's  point.  It  is  probably  Sandy 
Hook,  within  which  the  ihip  lay. 

On  the  1 1  th,  they  failed  through  the  Nar 
rows,  and  found  a  "  good  harbour  fecure  from 
all  winds."  The  next  day,  they  turned  againfl 

a  N.  W. 


HUDSON.  399 

a  N.  W.  wind,  into  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
which  bears  Hudfon's  name  ;  and  came  to 
anchor  two  leagues  within  it.  On  thefe  two 
days,  they  were  vifited  by  the  natives,  who 
brought  corn,  beans,  oyfters  and  tobacco. 
They  had  pipes  of  copper,  in  which  they 
fmoked  ;  and  earthen  pots,  in  which  they 
drefled  their  meat.  Hudfon  would  not  fuffer 
them  to  ftay  on  board  by  night. 

From  the  i2th  to  the  i9th  of  September, 
he  failed  up  the  river  -,  which  he  found  about 
a  mile  wide  and  of  a  good  depth,  abounding 
with  fifh,  among  which  were  "  great  ftore  of 
falmons."  As  he  advanced,  the  land  on  both 
fides  was  high,  till  it  became  very  mountain 
ous.  This  ts  high  land  had  many  points,  the 
channel  was  narrow,and  there  were  many  eddy 
winds." 

From  a  careful  enumeration  of  the  com 
puted  diftances,  in  each  day's  run,  as  fet  down 
in  the  journal,  it  appears  that  Hudfon  failed 
fifty  three  leagues.  To  this  diftance,  the  river 
was  navigable,  for  the  (hip  ;  the  boat  went 
up  eight  or  ten  leagues  farther  -y  but  found 
the  bottom  irregular,  and  the  depth  not  more 
than  feven  feet.  It  is  evident  therefore  that 

he 


400  HUDSON. 

he  penetrated  this  river,  as  far   as    where  the 
city  of  Albany  now  (lands. 

The  farther  he  went  up  the  river,  the  more 
friendly  and  hofpitable  the  natives  appeared. 
They  gave  him  fkins  in  exchange  for  knives 
and  other  trifles.  But  as  he  came  down,  be 
low  the  mountains,  the  favages  were  thievifh 
and  troublefome,  which  occafioned  frequent 
quarrels,  in  which  eight  or  nine  of  them  were 
killed.  The  land  on  the  eaftern  fide  of  the 
river  near  its  mouth,  was  called  Manabata. 

On  the  4th  of  O&ober  he  came  out  of  the 
river  j  and  without  anchoring  in  the  bay,  flood 
o-ut  to  fea  ;  and  fleering  dire6lly  for  Europe, 
on  the  yth  of  November  arrived  "  in  the  range 
of  Dartmouth  in  Devonfhire."  Here  the 
journal  ends. 

The  discoveries  made  by  Hudfon,  in  this 
remarkable  voyage,  were  of  great  mercantile 
confequence  to  his  employers.  It  has  been 
faid,  that  he  "  fold  the  country,  or  rather  his 
right  to  it,  to  the  Dutch."*  This  however  is 
queflionable.  The  fovereigns  of  England  and 
France  laid  equal  claim  to  the  country,  and 
it  is  a  matter  which  requires  fome  difcuflion, 
whether  the  Hollanders  were,  at  that  time,  fo 

far 

*  Smith's  hiftory  of  New  York,  p.  14.     Carey's  edition. 


HUDSON.  401 

far  admitted  into  the  community  of  nations* 
as  to  derive  rights  which  would  be  acknowl 
edged  by  the  other  European  powers.*  .  How 
ever,  whilft  they  were  ftruggling  for  exift- 
e;ice  among  the  nations,  they  were  growing 
rich  by  their  mercantile  adventures  j  and  this 
capital  difcovcry,  made  at  their  expenfe,  was 
a  fource  of  no  fmall  advantage  to  them. 
They  had,  for  fome  time  before,  caft  an  eye 
on  the  fur  trade  :;  and  had  even  bribed  fome 
Frenchmen,  to  admit  them  into  the 
traffic  at  Acadia  and  St.  Lawrence.  The 
difcovery  of  Hudfon's  river,  gave  them  at  once, 
an  entrance  of  above  fifty  leagues  into  the 
heart  of  the  American  continent  ;  in  a  litua-* 
tion,  where  the  beft  furs  could  be  procured 
without  any  interruption  from  either  the 
French  or  the  Englim.  The  place  indeed 
lay  within  the  claim  of  both  thefe  nations  ; 
Acadia  extended  from  the  latitude  of  40°  to 
48° ;  and  Virginia  from  34°  to  45°  ;  but  the 
French  had  made  feveral  fruitlefs  attempts  to 
pafs  fouthward  of  Cape  Cod  ;  and  had  but 
juft  begun  their  plantations  at  Acadia  and  St. 
Lawrence.  The  Englim  had  made  fome  ef- 
forts  to  eftabjim  colonies  in  Virginia,  one  of 

which 

*  Chalmers*  Annals.  568. 

Bb 


402  H     U    D     S    O     N. 

which  was  flruggling  for  exiftence,  and  others 
had  failed,  both  in  the  ibuthern  and  northern 
divifion.  Betides,  King  James,  by  a  flroke  of 
policy  peculiar  to  bimfelf,  in  dividing  Virginia, 
between  the  North  and  South  Companies,  had 
interlocked  each  patent  with  the  other  >y  and 
at  the  fame  time  interdicted  the  patentees  from 
planting  within  one  hundred  miles  of  each 
other.*  This  uncertainty,  concurring  with 
ether  caufes,  kept  the  adventurers  at  fuch  a 
diftance,  that  the  intermediate  country,  by 
far  the  moft  valuable,  lay  expofed  to  the  in- 
trufions  of  foreigners  •,  none  of  whom  knew 
better  than  the  Dutch,  how  to  avail  them- 
felves  of  the  ignorance  or  inattention  of  their 
neighbours,  in  the  purfuit  of  gain. 

But  whether  it  can,  at  this  time,  be  deter 
mined  or  n'ot,  by  what  means  the  Holland 
ers  acquired  a  title  to  the  country  -,  certain  it 
is,  that  they  underftood  and  purfued  the  ad 
vantage  which  this  difcovery  opened  to  them. 
Within  four  years,  a  fort  and  trading  houfe 
were  erected  on  the  fpot  where  Albany  is  now 
built ;  and  another  fort  on  the  S.  W.  point 
of  the  ifliind,  where  the  city  of  New- York 

now 

*  Seepage  41.   42.      See  alfo  Hazard's  Colle&ion,  vol.  r, 
page  50. 


H    U    D    S    O    N.  403 

now  ftands  -,  by  a  company  of  Merchants, 
who  had  procured  from  the  States  General 
a  patent  for  an  exclufive  trade  to  Hudfon's 
river. 

The  tranfadtions  between  Hudfon  and  his 
Dutch  employers  are  not  ftate'd  in  the  ac 
counts  of  his  voyages.  Dr.  Forfter  fays  that 
he  offered  to  undertake  another  voyage  in  their 
fervice,  but  that  they  declined  it,  upon  which 
he  returned  to  England  ;  and  again  entered 
into  the  fervice  of  the  Company,  who  had 
before  employed  him. 

The  former  attempts  for  a  northern  paflage 
having  been  made  in  very  high  latitudes^  was 
now  determined,  to  feek  for  one,  by  pafTing 
to  the  weft  ward  of  Greenland,  and  examining 
the  inlets  of  the  American  continent.  For 
this  purpofe  a  fhip  was  fitted  out,  and  the 
command  was  given  to  Hudfon  ;  but,  unhap 
pily,  the  Company  infifted  that  he  fhould  take 
with  Lim  as  an  affiftant,  one  Colburne,  a  very 
very  able  and  experienced  feaman.  Their 
great  confidence  in  Colburne's  ikill  excited 
Hudfon's  envy  5  aad  after  the  mip  had  fallen 
down  the  river,  he  put  him  on  board  a  pink, 
bound  up  to  London,  with  a  letter  to  the 
owners,  containing  the  reafons  of  his  con- 
B  b  2  duel ; 


404  HUDSON. 

duct  $  and  then  proceeded  on  his  voyage. 
[April  22,  1610.]  Thisrafh  ftep  gave  the  crew 
an  example  of  difobedience,  which  was  fo 
feverely  retaliated  on  himfelf,  as  to  prove  the 
caufe  of  his  ruin. 

He  went  round  the  north  of  Scotland, 
through  the  Orkney  and  Faro  iflands,  and  on 
the  1 1  th  of  May  made  the  eaftern  part  of 
Iceland.  Sailing  along  its  fouthern  more,  in 
fight  of  the  volcanic  mountain  Hecla,  he  put 
into  a  harbour  in  the  weftern  part  of  the  ifland  ; 
where  he  met  with  a  friendly  reception  from 
the  inhabitants  $  but  found  great  difienfions 
among  his  crew,  which  he  could  not  appeafc 
without  much  difficulty. 

Having  doubled  the  fouthern  promontory  of 
Greenland,  he  fleered  N.  W.  for  the  Ameri 
can  continent.  In  this  paflage  he  was  fo  en 
tangled  with  floating  ice,that  healmoft  defpair- 
ed  of  getting  clear.  But  at  length,  with  much 
labour  and  peril,he  forced  his  way  through  the 
ftrait  and  into  the  bay  which  bear  his  name. 
The  farther  he  advanced,  the  greater  were  the 
xnurmurings  among  his  men.  He  removed  his 
mate  and  boatfwain  and  put  others  into  their 
places.  This  difcipline  not  only  rendered  him 
^  more  unpopular ;  but  inflamed  the  difplaced 
.  efScers  with  bitter  refentment  againft  him. 

The 


H     U     D     8     O     N.  405- 

The  whole  Cummer  having  been  fpent,  in 
examining  the  eaftern  and  fouthern  extremities 
of  the  deep  and  extenfive  bay,  which  he  had 
difcovered  -,  in  October  it  was  too  late  to  re 
turn  ;  the  difcovery  was  yet  incomplete,  and 
he  was  loth  to  leave  it.  He  had  taken  but 
half  a  year's  provifion  from  England.  It  was 
therefore  neceflfary  to  hufband  what  was  left, 
and  procure  more  by  hunting  -y  which  was 
done  in  great  plenty,  by  reafon  of  the  numer 
ous  flights  of  fowl,  which  fucceeded  each 
other  through  the  winter. 

In  November  the  (hip  was  frozen  up.  Soon 
after  the  gunner  died,  and  a  controverfy  took 
place  about  dividing  his  clothes.  Hudfon 
was  partial  to  Henry  Green,  a  young  man  of 
a  debauched  character,  whom  he  had  taken  on 
board  ;  and  whofe  name  was  not  on  the  fhip's 
books.  This  young  man  ungenerouily  took 
part  with  the  difcontented,  and  loft  Hudfon's 
favour. 

They  had  to  ftruggle  with  a  fevere  winter, 
and  bad  accommodations,  which  produced 
fcorbutic  and  rheumatic  complaints.  Thefe 
were  relieved  by  a  decoction  of  the  buds  of  a 
tree  filled  with  a  balfamic  juice  ;  the  liquor 
was  drank,  and  the  buds  applied  to  the  fwelled 
joints.  This  is  fuppofed  to  have  been 
balfamlfera, 

B  b  3  When. 


4o6  HUDSON. 

When  the  fpring  came  on,  the  birds  difap- 
peared,  and  their  provifions  fell  mort.  To 
ilill  the  clamour  among  the  diicontented, 
Hudfcn  injudicioufly  divided  the  remaining 
ftores,  into  equal  fhares,  and  gave  each  man 
his  portion  ;  which  fome  devoured  at  once 
and  others  preferved. 

The  iLip  being  afloat,  he  began  to  fail  to 
ward  the  N.  W.  to  purfue  the  object  of  his 
voyage  ;  when,  (June  21,  1611)  a  confpira- 
cy  which  had  been  fometime  in  fermentation, 
broke  out  into  open  mutiny.  The  difplaced 
mate  and  boatfwain,  accompanied  by  the  in 
famous  Green  and  others,  rofe  and  took  com 
mand  of  the  fhip.  They  put  Hudfon,  his 
ion,  the  carpenter,  the  mathematician,  and 
five  others,  molt  of  whom  were  lick  and  lame,, 
into  the  ihallop  ;  with  a  fmail  quantity  of 
meal,  one  gun  and  ammunition,  two  or  three 
fpears  and  an  iron  pot  -,  and  then  with  the 
moil  favage  inhumanity  turned  them  adrift. 
This  is  the  left  account  of  Hudfon.  Wheth 
er  he,  with  his  unhappy  companions,  perifhed 
by  the  iea,  by  famine,  or  by  the  favages,  is 
unknown. 

The  confpirators  put  the  iliip  about   to  the 
paftward  and  halted   to   get   oiu  of  the   bay. 
:r  Cape  Digges,  they  met  with  feven  canoes 
he  {".wages,  by  whom  they  v/ere   attack; 

Tl 


HUDSON.  407 

The  perfidious  Green  was  killed,  and  three 
others  wounded,  of  whom  two  died  in  a  few 
days.  The  miferable  remnant,  purfued  their 
courfe  homeward,  and  fuffered  much  by  fam 
ine  ;  but  at  length  arrived  in  Ireland,  and  from 
thence  got  to  England. 

This  account  of  the  unfortunate  end  of 
Hudfon  and  the  return  of  the  Ihip,  is  taken 
from  a  narrative  written  by  Abacuc  Pricket,* 
whom  the  mutineers  preferved,  in  hope  that 
by  his  connexion  with  Sir  Dudley  Digges, 
one  of  the  owners,  they  fhould  obtain  their 
pardon. 

The  mofl  aflonilhing  circumftance  in  this 
horrid  aft  of  cruelty,  is  the  oath,  by  which 
the  confpirators  bound  themfelves  to  execute 
their  plot  ;  the  form  of  it  is  preferved  by 
Pricket,  and  is  in  thefe  words. 

«  You  {hall  fwear  truth,  to  GOD,  your 
Prince  and  Country  -,  you  fhall  do  nothing 
but  to  the  Glory  of  GOD,  and  the  good  of 
the  action  in  hand,  and  harm  to  no  man." 
It  is  to  be  hoped,  that  the  abfurdity,  hypoc- 
rify,  and  blafphemy  of  this  tranfaction  will 
ever  be  unparalleled  in  the  hiftory  of  human 
depravity  ! 

*  Purchas,  iv,  597, 


POSTSCRIPT. 

1  HE  author  is  fo  much  indebted  to 
HAKLUYT  and  PURCHAS,  that  he  thinks  it 
butjuftto  give  fome  account  of  them  and 
their  writings, 

RICHARD     HAKLUYT,     Prebendary    of 
Weftminfter,     was     born     in    Herefordmire, 
1553.     He  early  turned  his  attention  to    geo 
graphy,  and  read  lectures  in    that  fcience   at 
Oxford,  where  he  was    educated,  and    where 
he  introduced  maps  and  globes,  into  the  pub 
lic  fchools.     In  1582   he   publifhed  a   fmall 
collection   of  voyages   and   difcoveries  $    and 
going  two  years  after  as  chaplain  to  Sir  Ed 
ward  Stafford  ambafTador  to  France,  he    there 
met  with   and  publifhed  a   M.   S.   entitled, 
The  Notable   Hi/lory  of  Florida,  by  Laudon- 
nicrre  and  other  Adventurers.      He  returned  to 
England  in  1588,  when  he  applied  himfelf  to 
collect,  tranflate   and  digeft  all   the   voyages, 
journals  and  letters    that   he  could   procure, 
which  he  publifhed  firft  in  one  volume,  1589, 
to  which  he  afterward  added  two  others,    and 
reprinted  the  firft  in  1599,   and    1600.      He 
was    a    man  of    indefatigable  diligence   and 
great  integrity  ;  much  in  favour  with   Queen 
lilizabeth's  miniftry,    and    largely  converfant 

with 


409 

with  feamen.     He  died  in  1616,  and  his  ma- 
nufcripts  fell  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Purchas. 
[Wood  and  Northouck.] 

A  complete  fet  of  Hakluyt's  Voyages  is  in 
the  library  of  the  Maffachufetts  Hiftorical 
Society. 

SAMUEL  PURCHAS  was  born  at  Thack- 
ftead  in  Eflex,  1577,  and  educated  at  Cam 
bridge.  He  was  firft  vicar  of  Eaftwood  in 
Effex,  then  rector  of  St.  Martin's  London. 
Pie  published  a  folio  volume  entitled,  Purchas 
his  Pilgrimage,  or  Relations  of  the  World  and 
the  'Religions  obferved,  in  all  Ages  and  Places, 
&c.  The  third  edition  of  it,  is  dated  1617. 
When  Mr.  Hakluyt's  papers  fell  into  his  hands 
he  compiled  four  other  volumes,  which  were 
printed  1625  j  they  are  entitled,  Purchas  bis 
Pilgrims.  Part  i,  ii,  iii,  iv.  The  whole 
makes  a  fet  of  five  volumes.  They  confift 
of  journals,  letters,  narratives,  tranflations  and 
abridgements,  comprehending  all  the  travels 
and  difcoveries  made  in  all  parts  of  the  world, 
and  are,  with  Hakluyt's  work,  the  largeft  and 
moft  authentic  collection  of  the  kind,  extant 
for  that  time.  By  the  publishing  of  this  vol 
uminous  work,  Pqrchas  brought  himfelf  into 

debt. 


410 


debt  -,  and  it  has  been  laid  that  he  died  in* 
prifon  j  but  Northouck  fays  he  died  in  his 
own  houfe  in  London,  1628. 

A  complete  fet  of  Purchas's  Pilgrims  is  ir\ 
the  library  of  Harvard  College. 


ERRATA. 

Page  7.  not*  §  read — failing  iveftward  {aw  ihfi  »;:r'J,\i><  fun  on  the  rigLi 
hand.— 38,  dele  the  marginal  note. — 186,  line  4,  from  bottom,  for  heard 
read  herd. — 190,  line  6,  for  Mabille  read  Mobille. — 208,  note,  line  4,  for 
about,  read  a  teat. — 2ZO,  line  4,  from  bottom,  dele  the  firft  rf. — 222,  line 
6,  after  weed  infert  in. — 363,  line  6,  from  bottom,  read  latfijtr. 


The  SUCCESSION  cfS  o  v  r  R  E  i  c  K  s  of  t  he  E  u  R  o  p  E  A  K  N  A  T  i  o  x  s 

a; Ac  Aavc  /zc<^  POSSESSIONS^  CON NE  xi  ONS  ZTZ  AMER  ic  A. 


A.    D. 

ENGLAND. 

1773 

1485 

Lewis  XVI. 

Henry  VII. 

1-92 

I5C9 

Republic. 

Henry  VIII, 

*547 

A.    D. 

SPAIN.      ' 

Edward  VI. 

1474 

J553 

Ferdinand  V.  r.nd  Ifabell. 

Mary. 

I5C4 

1558 

Phillip  I. 

Elizabeth. 

I5l6 

1603 

James  I. 

*tv  o          ?       I-   King 
Charles      >      -\r   r 
5      V.  Emp. 

1625 

1556 

Charles  I. 

Philip  II. 

1648 

IJ98 

16 

Commonwealth. 

Philip    III. 

1  53 

O.  Cromwell. 

Philip  IV. 

1658 

TG6$ 

R.  Cromwell. 

Charles  II. 

j66o 

I7CO 

Charles  II. 

Philip  V. 

1685 

1746 

James  II. 

Ferdinand    VI. 

1688 

J759 

William  and  Mary 

Charles  III. 

1694 

1789 

Y  **OT 

William  III. 

Charles   IV. 

I  ,.  CI 

Anne. 

A.  D. 

PORTUGAL, 

1714 

1481 

George  I. 

John  II. 

1727 

1495 

George  II, 

Emanuel. 

1760 

1521 

George  III. 

John  III. 

. 

1557 

A.    D. 

FRANCE. 

SeKaftian. 

J4^3 

1578 

Charles  VIII. 

Henry. 

1498 

1580 

15*5 

Lewis  XII. 
Francis  I. 

1598 

Philip  II.           -, 
of  Spain 
Philip  III.          J>        and 

1547 

Henry  II. 

1621 

1    Portugal. 
Philip  IV.        J 

J559 

1640 

Francis  II. 

Jol.n  IV. 

1560 

1656 

Charles  IX. 

Alphonfa  VI. 

1574 

166" 

Henry  II. 

Peter. 

1589 

1704 

Henry  IV, 

John  V. 

1610 

J7-0 

Lewis  XIII, 

Jofeph. 

1643 

1777 

Lewis  XIV, 

Maria  Frances  If<ttel!a, 

1715 

Lewis  XV, 

INDEX. 


A< 


•-CADIA,  its  Limits,  323 

Africa,  Circumnavigated,     v  7 

Aguado,  fent  to  Hifpaniola,  109 

America,  Peopled  in  Part  from  the  Eaft,  25 

• ,  Named  from  Amerigo,  115 

Argal  Samuel,  his  Voyages,  297,  3*2 

Azores,  Difcovered,  131 

B. 

Behaim  Martin,  129 

,  Difcovers  Conge  and  Benin,  134 

Bifon,  47 

Bligh  Lieutenant,  his  Hazardous  Voyage,  14 

Botello,  his  Daring  Voyage  from  India  to  Lifbon,  15 

Bovadilla,  Superfedes  Columbus,  113 

.Brazil,  Difcovered,  28 

Breton  Cape,  Named,  159 

Bufs  Ifland,  77 

Buzzard's  Bay  Difcovered,  235 

c. 

Cabot  John  and  Sebaftian,  149 

Cabral,  Difcovers  Brazil,  28 

Canary  Iflands  Difcovered,  23 

,  Volcanos  in,  24 

Cape  Cod  Difcovered  by  Gofnold,  232 

• -,  Vifited  by  the  French  from  Acadia,  328,  332 

, ,  by  Hudfon,  397 

Cartier  James,  1,59 

Chaleur  Bay,  Difcovered,  162 

Champlain  Samuel,  320 

— ,  Sails  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  323 

• — • -,  Builds  a  Fort  at  Quebeck,  341 

•- ,  Difcovers  the  Lakes,  348 

,  Surrenders  Quebeck  to  the  Englifk,  343 

• — ,  his  Death  and  Character,  344 

Charaibes,  Emigrants  from  the  Eaft,  29 

Columbus  Chriftopher,  86 

— ,  his  Reafons  for  Seeking  India  in  the  Weft,  90 

— . — -,  his  Firft  Voyage,  99 

— ,  his  Second  Voyage,  104 

— ,  his  Third  Voyage,  HO 

•i            •••  ,  his  Fourth  Voyage,  116 

— — ,  Wrecked  on  Jamaica,  119 

* ,  his  Death  and  Character,  123,  124 

Columbus 


INDEX.  4,3 

Columbus  Bartholomew,  §6,  toy 

Congo,  Di {covered,  134 

Croix  St.  Port  of,  166 

• ,  Ifland  of,  326 

Cuba,  chfcovered,  106 

D. 

Delaware  Bay,  difcovered,  397 

Dermer  Thomas,  361 

Drogio,  70 

Dutch,  intrude  into  the  Fur  Trade,  337 

• j  complained  of  as  Intruders,  375 

,  poflefs  Hudfon's  River,  401 

E. 

JEclipfe  Lunar,  fortunate  to  Columbus,  120 

Egg,  fet  on  its  fmalleft  End,  125 

Elizabeth  Ifland,  234 

Eftotiland,  69,  83 

Eudoxus,  his  Voyage,  21 

f. 

Fog  Banks,  94 
Fortifications,  antique,  10,4 
Frifland,  67,  75 
Foate  dc,  Sttait  of,  229 
Fuca  John  de,  224 
,  Strait  of,  defcribed,  225,  228 

Cr. 

Gafpe,  Bay  of,  difcovered,  162 

Gilbert  Humphrey,  196 

— • ,  takes  poffeflion  of  Newfoundland,  200 

,  is  loft  at  Sea,  203? 

Gorges  Ferdinando,  346 

,  his  Perfeverance,  oca 

,  his  Defence  before  the  Commons,  3-70 

,  his  Complaint  againft  the  Dutch,  215 

,  his  Expenfe  and  Lofs,  3^0 

,  his  Misfortunes  and  Death,  380 

Gorges  Thomas,  385 
Gorges  Robert,                                                                       g68,  374 

Gorges  John,  390 

Gorges  Ferdinando,  ad.  090 

Gofnold  Bartholomew,  his  Voyage,  231 

,  his  Death,  359 

Grenville  Richard,  2O& 

,  his  Voyage  to  Virginia}  215 

.-  •            ,  his  Death,  221 

Greenland,  difcovered,  48 

Guanahana,  difcovered,  lot 

Guad»loupe,  difcovered,  26,  104 


4i.t  I     N     D    E     X. 

II. 

Hanno,  his  Voyage,  19 

Hifpaniola,  dikovercd,  104 

;iy,  defcribed,  21 1 

Hud  ion  Henry,  394 

. 's  River,  difcovered,  399 

's  Bay,  difcovered,  404 

< his  Misfortunes  and  Death,  406 

I-  J- 

Jamaica,  difcovered,  loo 

-i ,  Columbus  Wrecked  on,  119 

James-town,  255 

Jefuits  Introduced  to  Port  Royal,  340 

ladependeiicc  of  the  Colonies  Sufpetted,  38 1, 

K. 

Mirk  David,  takes  Quebeck,  343 

i-/. 

Laconia,  defcribed,  376 

Lane  Ralph, -Governour  of  Virginia,  214 

Lawrence  St.  Bay  and  River  difcovered,  163 

Line  of  Demarkation,  103 

Lifbon,  Columbus  puts  in  at,  133 

M. 

Madoc,  Prince  of  Wales,  58 

Maii'ie,  Province  of,  385 

its  Plan  of  Government,  386 

protected  by  MafTachufetts,  390 

purchafed  by  MafTachufetts,  392 

John,  connected  with  Gorges,  376 

his  Plantation  at  Piicataqua,  378 

his  great  Expenfe  and  Lofs,  370; 

Maffachufetts  Colony  Eitabliihed,  380 

Mermaid  feen,  396 

Monfoons,  known  to  the  Pheiiicians,  1 1 

Montreal,  difcovered  and  named,  172 

Monts  de,  320 

,  his  Patent  for  Acadia,  323 

• ,  his  Fort  at  St.  Croix,  326 

,  quits  Acadia,  339 

Morell  William,  full  Epifcopal  Clergyman  in  New  England,  368 

N. 

Necho,  his  Voyage  round  Africa,  7 

Newfoundland,  difcovered,  152 

,  its  Production?,  54 

-,  State  of  its  Fiihery,  197 

• — ,  PoiTelFed  by  the  Englifh,  200 

Newport  Cimitopber,  his  Voyages,  273,  288 

Norombcga, 


Mafon 


INDEX, 

isoroinbega,  328 

Normans,  their  Navigation,  47 

Opecankanow,  King  of  Pamaunky,  265 

Ovando,  Governour  of  Hifpaniola,  116 

-  ,  his  Cruelty  to  Columbus,  119,  121 

Paria,  Gulf  of,  difcovered,  HO 
Paul  the  Phyfician,  his  Letters  to  Columbus,                       141,  14* 

Peftilence  among  the  Indian*;,  35^ 

Phcnicians,  the  Firft  Navigators,  ej 

--  ,  conftruclion  of  their  Shim,  13 

-  ,  their  Mercantile  Jealouly,  16 
Plymouth,  Council  of,  Ellablifhed,  364 
—  -  ,  embarrafTed  383 

-  -  ,  diflblved,  384 

-  -  ,  Colony  EQabliftied,  365 
Pocahontas,  (aves  Captain  Smith,  270 

-  -  ,  entertains  him  with  a  Dance,  -284 

-  ,  reveals  her  father's  Treachery,  29$ 

-  ,  her  Voyage  to  England,  307 
,  her  Death, 


Porland,  8t 

Pert  Royal,  Plantation  at,  325 

Poutrincourr,  320 

Powhatan,  256 

,  his  Coronation,  287- 

Q. 

Quebeck,  named,  323 

--  ,  Fort  built,  344 

-  ,  taken  by  the  English,  343 

-  ,  reftored  to  the  French,  344. 

Raleigh  Walter,  206 

----  ,  his  Death,            f  221 

Roanoke,  difcovered,  208 

Roldaji,  his  Mutiny,  112 

S. 
Sable,  Ifland,  flocked  with  Cattle,  202,  204 

-  -  •  -  ,  convicis  landed  at,  321 
Sagadahock,  Colony  at,  350 
Scurvy,  Remedy  for,  176 
Sknelings,  51 
Smith  John,  240 
--  ,  his  Encounter  with  the  Turk?,  247 

-  ,  fold  as  a  Slave,  249 
--  ,  his  Efeape,  250 

Smith 


4i6  INDEX. 

Smith  John,  his  Voyage  to  South  Virginia,  453 

—  —  .  -  -   taken  by  the  Indians,  265 

—  -   faved  by  Pocahontas,  270 

—  -    releafed,  271 

—  -  his  Difcoveries,  277,  290 

-  -  made  Prefident  of  Virginia,  281 
•.                     his  Fame  among  the  Indians,  294 

-  -   his  Singular  Difcipline,  29Oj  296 

-  --  '  -   his  Return  to  England,  303 

—  .                    his  Voyage  to  North  Virginia,  305 

•  --  his  Writings,  316 
«  -  i  his  Death,  319 
Soto  Ferdinando  de,  his  Adventures  in  Flondaj  185 
_  --  }  his  Death,  192 

T. 

Tobacco  firfl  known,  173 

•  --  ,  carried  to  England,  222 
Trinidad,  1  fiand  difcovered,  liO 

V. 

Vineyard  Martha's,  difcovered,  234 

Virginia  named,  212 

•  -  ,  its  Topography  by  Hcnol,  2t(*y 
m^-          ,  firft  Child  born  in,  *i8 

—  -  ,  Company,  their  Miftakes,                                       282,  289 
r~  -  ,  fecond  Patent,  300 
_  -  ,  divided  into  North  and  South*  ^48 

W. 

White  John,  Governour  of  Virginia,  217 

Winland,  difcovered,  50 

X. 
Xerxes,  his  orders  to  fail  round  Africa,  , 


Zeno,  67 

Zencs,  Doclrine  of,  17 


END  OF  VOL.  I. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  AT  LOS  ANGELES 

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